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Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The period from 1964 to 1985, in Brazil, is characterized by the rupture of the country's Institutions, with the installation of a civilmilitary dictatorship that perpetrated serious violations of human rights, with the suppression of civil and political rights and the use of state violence. The academic community, in this context, was affected by these repressive actions. This article, therefore, aims to analyze theses and dissertations that discuss the violation of human rights of university professors during the civil-military dictatorship in the period 2017-2022. To this end, works available at the Bank of Theses and Dissertations of the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES) that discuss the interface between (violation of) human rights, civil-military dictatorship and education were selected. The state-of-the-art research allowed raising and discussing the latest academic productions in the area, as well as identifying gaps to be explored. Thirteen works were selected, from which their particularities were discussed, including the different nomenclatures used by the studies to refer to the period from 1964 to 1985, the meanings attributed to the violation of human rights and its relationship with education. The results showed the presence of discussion in different areas of knowledge but, at the same time, low academic production in the field of education on the subject studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After deletion of slavery in Brazil and the granting of citizenship to Afro-descendants, their incorporation into Brazilian society was not tolerated. During the first decade of the 20th century, African mores and cultures were repressed in public spaces and excluded from the project of identity construction. Brazilian national. By the action of the Black Front (Frente Negra Brasileira) through the struggles for social and civic rights and identity claims initiated at the beginning of the 20th century and continued during the second half of this century by the movements of black intellectual lobbies and Brazilian social actors, that the question of the recognition and legitimization of African heritage in Brazil will become a national concern and the subject of debate. To this end, the Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas initiated actions that will be perpetuated by his successors for the national recognition of African values inherited from slaves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political-legal arrangement called the Liberal Social State, that is, the model of democratic ideology, consolidated in the post-war period, is one in which individuals are holders of rights achieved through state action, focused on issues of equality with regard to economic and social situations, going beyond the civil and political rights typical of the Classic Liberal State. Therefore, the Social Liberal State is therefore closely linked to public policies. It happens, however, that such a model, as a sequence of the liberal project, is in crisis, be it of fiscal-financial, ideological or philosophical bias, pointing to a kind of limit both to the formulation and to the execution of public policies through the State. Adopting this perspective, it seems necessary to think about new possibilities of arrangement, capable of going beyond the limits imposed by contemporary times, as a condition of possibility to provide the satisfaction of constitutional guarantees of social order, especially in countries of late modernity, such as Brazil. For this research, the methodology employed will be approached by the phenomenological method. The method of procedure chosen here is history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Práxis Educativa is the property of Revista Praxis Educativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Refugees in Brazil have no political rights. However, problems with family reunification visas in the Brazilian Embassy in Kinshasa was a cause that united Congolese refugees in Brazil. This article analyzes the political articulation of this group in São Paulo. I conducted semi-structured interviews with refugees who act as spokespersons for this movement, and I analysed their strategies of organization, presentation of claims, and political pressure to solve this issue through analysis of documents produced by them and delivered to Brazilian authorities. Even though they had no success, they developed an organizational structure composed by a WhatsApp group for fast communication and periodic meetings in person in the centre of São Paulo. This structure can be used to demand other rights and to continue to pressure the Brazilian government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over time, gender relations have been discussed, revealing that it is configured from a cultural structure qualified as identifications in male and female gender identities. These identifications are linked to power relations and at the same time to the understanding of the State structure and the construction of democracy. In this way, feminist movements have been fighting against the structures of patriarchal and capitalist domination existing in society and mainly fighting against any and all forms of violence against women. It is worth mentioning that each feminist movement has its specificities. Within this context, each movement struggles against its reality of oppression. These legal and political rights are some of the demands of feminist movements. In this way, the present article can summarize some contributions from feminist movements, taking into account the characteristics of each of these movements, and especially the case of Brazil, using indicators of progress and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article briefly aims to demonstrate how the historical silencing of the female voice in public spaces reverberates in the severe women under-representation in politics, adopting the perspective that the historicity of the construction of power's figures in different contexts is, alongside other elements, something that defining the low female representation in politics. Therefore, this study adopts the methodology of literature review and analysis of research reports developed about the subject with statistical data about it, as well as the use of current and historical examples that demonstrate the various practical contours of the obstacles experienced by women in search for effective equality of access to spaces of power. In the end, it is concluded that women's political rights in Brazil are not effective, and it's necessary and urgent to change this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite advances in recognition of women's rights, they are still victims of everyday violence. National and international regulations on gender equality and the promotion of female political participation had a low impact on the underrepresentation of this minority. Law produced without a share of citizenship lacks democratic legitimacy. Mexico and Brazil have a similar history of excluding women from the public sphere, but they currently have different strategies to overcome this democratic deficit. The article, with a descriptive methodology, presents the history and the present situation in both countries. We conclude that there are different ways to increase the representation of women in politics, but parity is a demand for justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Graph: © ABACAPRESS / Alamy Stock Photo In the wake of the insurrection that followed Jair Bolsonaro's defeat in Brazil's presidential election, B Mahrukh Doctor b examines the state of Brazilian democracy and finds both challenges and opportunities. After meeting with leading representatives from a number of European and Latin American governments, Lula met with President Biden in the White House in February. It did not help matters when Moro accepted Bolsonaro's invitation to become his Justice Minister in 2019, although he left the government a year later when he disagreed with Bolsonaro over the President's interference on public security matters. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the concept of political rights in the election law of Brazil following Brazilian Federal Constitution, with a focus on the ideas of collective, diffuse, and individual rights. Topics addressed include the concept of collective rights; the definition of collective, diffuse, and individual rights in the consumer law; and political participation as defined by Brazilian Constitution.

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses potential linkages between political participation and the distribution of public goods and services at the local level. It considers a relation between greater participation and a better performance on the offer of public goods by governments by analyzing variables associated to managerial aspects. The study was conduced in eight Brazilian cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Addressed to the constitutional dogmatic and to the political science, this study deals with the system of party lists and aims to examine the effects caused to the political actors - candidates, voters and party - after the potential advent of a new model of party list, available in the Bill 2.679/03, distanced from the archetype of opened list established since mid-1945. The relevance of this issue shows up, especially in the duality between the opened list and closed list, trying not only to scientifically demystify some of the many facets of the Brazilian electoral system, but also to elucidate the positive and negative aspects of this potential change of the political and constitutional order. Finally, its basis is settled in jurisprudence, doctrine and legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze to what extent the Family Allowance Program [FAP] contributes to strengthening citizens' participation in public services management and to identify the degree of knowledge of the Program Beneficiaries regarding their political rights. For this purpose, theoretical revisions were carried out, which focused on the expansion of the rights and citizens' participation in the light of the Democratic State under the Rule of Law. A multi-case study was carried out with 1,588 beneficiaries from the FAP who benefited from the basic health services in ten municipalities in the State of Bahia. The results show that there is low predisposition to associative life and the participation forums are not identified, hardening the discussion of the collective interest problems, with the predominance of the lack of knowledge concerning political rights. There is low confidence in the legislative and executive branches, and the higher credibility percentages are found at religious institutions (74,1) and residents association, (34,1), which matches other studies realized in Latin America. Accordingly, the conclusion is that the FAP has not performed an emancipating role that is capable of promoting structuring changes, such as expanding predisposition to associative life, participation and knowledge of their Political Rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between the impact of Bolsa Família Program in the Brazilian population and the result of the presidential elections of 2006. The database involves municipal information provided by MDS, IBGE and TSE. To control the experiment, the eventual influences of other variables in the determination of this relationship had been studied. All those variables come from specific characteristics of the cities, such as: city with predominant urban or not urban population; size of the city population; among others. The results state that the Bolsa Família was, in fact, a very important factor in the determination of the votes in Lula. It was, in itself, responsible by 45% of the total votes in Lula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the association between women's rights, women's citizenship and the ideals and values of Catholicism. During the 1960s, 70s and 80s, the Catholic Church has contributed in constructing a "rights culture" in Brazil. The Catholic Church has done it through the Base Ecclesiastical Communities (CEBs). Since the 18th century, the conflict between the Catholic Church and the modern values have formed the base of women's demands. Extending the concept of rights to include sexual and reproductive rights is also discussed.

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of História, Ciências, Saúde - Manguinhos is the property of Casa de Oswaldo Cruz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presents the summary of 1988 Brazilian constitution customary international law, and indigenous land rights. Discussion of political and social rights; Enforcement of indigenous legal claims to lands; Effect of the federal jurisdictional provision on land dispute.

The article presents information on the political sociology of Brazil. If, in the history of social sciences generally, the concept of society has somehow been equated with that of the nation-state, this has been particularly true in the case of the Third World, where social scientists have tended to look upon their own societies as modern nation-states in the making. From this perspective, whatever the theoretical paradigm, social science has by definition been strongly politicized and transformed into a national political project, and in this respect Brazil has been no exception. The very creation of academic programs in social sciences constituted a political act, which made no distinctions between sociology and political science. The gradual and inexorable division between sociology and political science reflects the growing professionalization of social science, the concomitant institutionalization of academic life and the differentiation of university structures. In other words, we may refer here to the general process of rationalization, or to modernization, to account for the development of sociology and political science in Brazil, as well as in other contexts.

The article examines the problems and prospects of democracy in Brazil. Recent developments in Brazil that provide advocates of democracy with some reason for optimism include the relinquishment of presidency by the military, broader political freedom, a sharp decline of civil liberty violations, lifting of important barriers to political participation, and congressional drafting of a new constitution. But Brazil's progress toward democracy also has problems. It has yet to develop a well-defined and institutionalized democratic regime. The ambiguous legacy of authoritarianism in Brazil is discussed.