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Objectives: Test the effects of a recent police stop and a recent police stop at gunpoint on changes in attitudes towards the police among residents of Brazil's biggest city. Methods: A three-wave longitudinal survey of São Paulo residents (2015–2019) measured people's beliefs about police legitimacy, expectations of police procedural fairness, effectiveness, and overpolicing, whether they were recently stopped by the police, and whether officers had pointed a gun at them during that stop. A novel causal estimand focused on the effect of change in treatment status is estimated using matching methods for panel data combined with difference-in-differences. Results: While estimates are too imprecise to suggest an effect of a recent police stop on attitudinal change, recent police stops at gunpoint decrease public expectations of procedural fairness, increase expectations of overpolicing, and harm public beliefs of police legitimacy. Conclusions: Under a credible conditional parallel trends assumption, this study provides causal evidence on the relationship between aggressive policing practices and legal attitudes, with implications to public recognition of legal authority in a major Global South city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article provides a short description of approaches towards cross-border insolvency (territorialism, universalism and modified universalism). It then describes the amendments to the Brazilian Bankruptcy Law (BBL) that embody the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) Model Law on the recognition of foreign insolvency proceedings. It concludes with an overview of the Prosafe case under the Brazilian perspective, as it was the first request for recognition in Brazil following the BBL amendments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia is the property of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why did the far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, with financial support from Donald Trump's US government, preside over the group recognition of around 47,000 displaced Venezuelans as refugees? It would appear implausible that a far-right, nationalistic government led by a president who had expressed visceral hostility to migrants and refugees would use the provisions of a progressive regional framework to grant refugee status to thousands of displaced people, aided by a US president whose government was literally caging child refugees. To address this question, we show that recognition of Venezuelans as refugees was grounded in an existing and credible legal and bureaucratic process managed by the Brazilian National Committee for Refugees (CONARE) that also brought to bear the influence and presence of key international actors, particularly the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). An additional crucial factor was Bolsonaro's anti-communism, which provided a strong ideological and instrumental motivation for his government to engage with the US government of Donald Trump in its efforts to undermine the Maduro regime in Venezuela and led to the seemingly paradoxical situation of a far-right Brazilian government granting refugee status to thousands of displaced people that exceeded responses in other South American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Bioetica is the property of Conselho Federal de Medicina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting from the colonial and civilizing historical marks, the most visible result was the creation of stereotypes directed at indigenous cultures, leading them to contempt, disrespect and even the decimation of many of these native Brazilian cultures, all devastating consequences for the Indian People. However, indigenous peoples have intensified the struggle for cultural recognition, for the recognition of rights. In this sense, through a hypothetical deductive study and bibliographic research that covers the areas of history, sociology and right, the study raises the following question: what was the legal advance in the recognition of cultures and indigenous law in Brazil? With the research, it can be seen that the colonizing and integrationist culture - based on religious and cultural processes - also inhabits the popular Brazilian imagination, influencing not only the social relations between indigenous and non-indigenous people, but also the national legal system. Although the Federal Constitution of 1988 turned towards respect for indigenous cultures and their isonomic recognition, its effectiveness is hampered by the existing hegemonic culture and by the governments of the different powers that follow the colonial mentality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anos 90 is the property of Anos 90 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espaço Jurídico: Journal of Law is the property of Espaco Juridico: Journal of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to verify the relevance for Brazilian democracy of Law 6,683 - Amnesty Law - and investigate what aspects can be considered positive with the advent of this Law and how it made possible the presentation of the social results produced by it in consolidation of democracy, with the aim of teaching and learning. An in-depth bibliographic review was used. It can be concluded that the understanding of this differentiated aspect can broaden the recognition of the law in history as an educational and transformative aspect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to discuss the notion of moral progress in the theory of recognition. It argues that Axel Honneth's program offers sophisticated theoretical guidance to observe and critically interpret emancipatory projects in contemporary politics based on ideas of individuality and social inclusiveness. Using a case study - the investigation, through frame analysis, of transformations in the portrayal of people with impairment as well as in public discourses on the issue of disability in major Brazilian news media from 1960 to 2008 - this article addresses three controversies: the notion of progress as a directional process; the problem of moral disagreement and conflict of interest in struggles for recognition; and the processes of social learning. By articulating empirically based arguments and Honneth's normative discussions, this study concludes that one can talk about moral progress without losing sight of value pluralism and conflict of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the role of historians and anthropologists in the conceptualization of 'quilombo,' past and present, in Brazil. The validity of the new political identity, remanescente de quilombo (quilombo descendant), has been contested by the popular media as a 'fraudulent' identity used by black communities to obtain land rights. While the term quilombo was used by the Portuguese Crown to refer to three or more fugitive slaves in hiding, quilombo descendants have been defined beyond the limits of simply the ancestors of fugitive slaves. I argue that when it comes to quilombo descendants obtaining actual rights they are often dismissed as frauds until proven authentic. Their authenticity depends not only on their ability to perform and describe the ancestral history of their community, but more importantly, in their ability to tell a specific history of their past as it has been written and incorporated into the Brazilian national imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]