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Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The issue of homeownership in the working-class peripheries of post-war Europe has received little attention in planning history. The main reason is probably that public housing built at the time of massive operations of constructing Modernist housing estates in Western and Eastern Blocs adopted tenancy as the predominant form of tenure in almost all cases. In the context of widespread growth of urban homeownership during the second half of the twentieth century in European countries, this paper addresses the singularities of ownership in Francoist Spain. In this case, the main peculiarity is that the working classes that flocked to inhabit the new outskirts were the main protagonists of the intense process of the spread in homeownership. First, the article discusses the ideological roots of the spread of homeownership in Spain as a singular phenomenon. Second, the spectacular growth of homeownership in the peripheral working-class districts of Barcelona and in the municipalities of its metropolitan area is analysed. Then, the paper considers the relationships observed between ownership in the new peripheries and the development of powerful urban movements. A final epilogue places such movements in the Western European context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of Catalan identity in Ventura Pons's 2007 film Barcelona (un mapa). The discussion breaks down the daring, anti-objectivistic ways in which Pons revisits early Francoism in order to denounce the regime's essentialist rhetoric and counter its lasting imprint on the city of Barcelona. Special emphasis is devoted to the film's complex portrayal of those members of the Catalan bourgeoisie who supported Franco, a portrayal that foregrounds secrecy and the practice of cross-dressing as a fitting sociopolitical metaphor. First, the adoption of an anthropological perspective illuminates the dynamics of the massive religious events that allowed individuals to affect their adhesion to the Francoist state in public. Secondly, a Derridean examination of the act of cultural transmission in the film suggests that Pons invites spectators to experience the violence inherent in Catalan heritage in order to overcome its despotic hold on contemporary politics and culture. The conclusion argues that Barcelona (un mapa) centers often neglected processes of construction and performance of identity and opposes the notion that constructed identities need be "false." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to analyze the representation of the Andalusian painter and queer activist José Pérez Ocaña in two documentaries, Ocaña, retrato intermitente (Ocaña, retrat intermittent, Ventura Pons, 1978) and Ocaña, la memoria del sol (Juan José Moreno, 2009). Born in a Sevillian town, Ocaña would become popular in Barcelona as a queer performer and as an anarchist icon of resistance to Francoism during the years of the Transition. This paper is based on a analysis of the representation of Ocaña as a character with a dissident male identity in the selected documentaries, applying a methodology of audiovisual textual analysis of the character in which both documentaries are compared (physical, psychological, socioeconomic dimensions, etc.). Although the two discourses analyzed revolve around Ocaña and all the information is consistent with the objective of describing, representing, or evoking him, the focus on him varies, due to the nature of each documentary and its production conditions. It can be concluded that the analysis of the main character of the documentaries reveals a round and complex character, able to add features of his culture of origin, strongly linked to Andalusian folkloric expressions, with the freedom that he found on his arrival in Barcelona. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a reflection of the imminent change from late Francoism to the Spanish transition, discourses emerged in film narratives which portrayed aspects of society practically unaddressed until then, such as the LGTBIQ+ content, the "quinqui" marginality or the 'S' cinema. Madrid and Barcelona are presented as the main settings for new discursive constructs that portray a generation which differed from the preceding Francoist modes. This research analyses and exposes the synergy between characters and urban settings by which the city acts as an emotional map of the story and a location for change in the first films of Spanish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in the rest of Spain, the capture of Barcelona by Franco's troops not only meant the defeat of the Republican side, but also a systematic persecution of all political, social and cultural references of the defeated regime. Barcelona's first Francoist city council was an active agent from the first hour, purging municipal officials and also trying to erase all Republican, Catalan or 'red' traces in the public space and replacing them with new references that would make the official memory of the new regime. Our research clearly outlines how the Francoist overhaul of Barcelona city nomenclature was conducted, and the criteria on which it was based. In summary, it was a very early, fairly rapid and high-priority operation based on wiping out the Republican memory and Catalan language and exalting the heroes and martyrs of the 'Crusade', in which the leading figures were a small group of local but renowned faithful people. It was, without doubt, what one might term an ideological operation, carried out with full awareness of the symbolic importance of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the Modernist housing design in Barcelona during ‘50s and ‘60s. In this period, the architecture culturally committed was struggling against Francoist censorship and the wild real estate development. The urban landscape is characterized by the housing design that can be considered a critical interface between the houses ground plan layout and the arrange-ment of the urban tissue at the settlement scale. The evolution of the Modernist housing design in Barcelona is the outcome of a dialectic be-tween long-lasting types as the H-model, a strong will to be modern expressed by architects as a reaction against the cultural lack of Francoism, the avant-garde heritage, namely the GATCPAC (Group of Catalan Architect and Technicians for the Promotion of Contemporary Architecture) and the research aimed to resume the traditional Barcelonese way of built-in which lays the city identity. By this point of view, we can argue that the concept of resilience in spite of its use as buzz word in the last 15 years is rooted in the history of the city: Barcelona it’s an example due to the “resistance” carried on by the modernist architects that was the background for the Renaissance of the city since the Olimpic Games onward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse and reconstruct the historic broadcast of Dreceres de nostra llengua [Shortcuts to our language], emitted during the 1970s. Promoted by Francina Boris and Enric Frigola with the collaboration of Òmnium Cultural, and written by Albert Jané and Pius Pujades, the segment was aired by Ràdio Girona and other Radio España stations, the former Ràdio Associació de Catalunya, in Barcelona. The program included, in a cheerful way, linguistic content, aimed mainly at polishing the interferences that had entered the Catalan language, as well as information about authors and literary works, music in Catalan and other cultural aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to present a mainly descriptive balance of two digital projects dedicated to the memory and history of women incarcerated during Francoism in Spain, the only ones existing with respect to female prisons: the Barcelona prison of Les Corts (1939-1955) and the female prison of Ventas in Madrid (1933-1969). In both cases, historical studies have gone hand in hand with memory, through interviews and testimonials of the inmates and their families, present in the respective digital projects in the form of audios and audiovisual elements. Besides, in both cases, there is social participation through amanuensis associations, neighborhood collectives, and relatives of the inmates which has played a decisive role in a slow-moving social task against forgetfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arte, Individuo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper considers how the homogeneity of the capitalist narrative of "tourism is good for the economy," that has been sponsored and perpetuated by the official governmental institutions since the 1960's Francoism's desarrollismo period to present day, did not transfer its economic blessings to all social actors. On the contrary, it has generated social conflict, a border of self-interest between the institutional agencies and the local, which has elided possibilities of home-grown prosperity for the locals. The narrative of a homogeneous economic bonanza has created a fantasy that has irrevocably affected the city's authenticity as an urban space. It has also codified its struggle under pintadas callejeras (written graffiti): "Tourism Kills" written all over the city. This declaration of confrontation presents the citizens of Barcelona with a simple metaphor that represents global mass-tourism as the equivalent of the beginning of the end for the local way of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this article is to analyse the appearance of women's football in Spain in the 1970s and to show the links between the sport and the creation of a lesbian community in the city of Barcelona. The study will examine the ways in which the construction of women footballer's sexual identities was shaped by their participation in this sport, given the repressive context of the era. Oral interviews constituted the main method used in the study. This historiographical technique allowed us to gather oral histories from a number of women footballers, most of them lesbians. The information provided by these first-hand sources was also enriched and corroborated through the use of additional documentary sources (both from the sporting press and from other publications), which placed the first-hand testimony in the proper context and served to confirm some of the information collected in the interviews. By way of conclusion, the study established that, in the context of the lack of visibility of female homosexuality in the era and the hostility of the authorities and the public institutions under the dictatorship, women's football provided a valuable space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barcelona’s transformation into a global destination after Spain’s transition to democracy has received significant attention from international scholarship, but this is less the case for developments under Franco’s dictatorship (1939-1975) that paved the way for the city’s perceived attractiveness today. A critical examination of two of these developments in the 1940s and 1950s—the disencumbering of the area in front of the cathedral and the disclosure of sections of the Roman city wall—and the discourses around them reveals the interplay of long-standing planning and archaeological concerns, nostalgic and ambiguously dissenting reactions among observers at the time, and the gradual emergence of Barcelona as a tourist city. Such interplay subtly mirrors the often unacknowledged eclecticism of the dictatorship’s urban discourse and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After the death of the dictator, Spanish cinema began to offer a series of films committed to portraying the Civil War. These narratives often selected characters from the Republican side—civilians or combatants—underscoring their suffering and the violence that characterized this era. Yet, it could be asked whether these productions genuinely attempt to rehabilitate the Republicans, who previously had been so vilified. In contrast to the films made during the dictatorship, which were based on simplified and mythical representations, do these new stories succeed in creating new myths? This paper sets out to examine what has changed and what has not in representations of the Civil War in film productions from the transition to democracy onwards. In this way, we can analyse how aspects of the Francoist myth-making persist in certain films which retain obvious links to the cinema of the dictatorship. It also explores how the representation of the war evolves in five films dealing with two Republican myths: the siege of Madrid and the defence of Barcelona. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the imprisonment of women during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco in Spain during the country's civil war from 1936 to 1939. The author comments on the prisons of Ventas and Les Corts, located in Madrid and Barcelona, respectively. He describes the conditions in these regions, which experienced much political repression from the Franco regime at the time. The impact on the jailed women's families, particularly their children, is examined and the poor living conditions in the prisons are explored.

The entry of General Franco's 'liberating' Nationalist army into the city of Barcelona in January 1939 was the prelude to a wave of violent repression across the Principality of Catalonia. In addition to the New State's persecution of the language, culture and national personality of Catalonia, fascist zealots also clamoured for the dismantling of the region's factories and mills. Whilst it was often asserted that the Franco dictatorship systematically discriminated against Catalonia for its treachery in supporting the defeated Second Republic (1931-39), the aim of this article is to present new arguments in defence of the revisionist case that the resulting economic paralysis of Catalonia during the period 1939-51 was not so much the result of the bloody-mindedness of the victors in the Spanish Civil War as the New State's obsession with autarky and interventionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]