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As part of a study investigating research productivity of sociology PhD students in Australia, an application to the federal government's Department of Education, Skills and Employment (DESE) aimed to establish a baseline count of completed sociology doctorates by university. It was anticipated that university totals might be different from PhD completions within the main sociology teaching units. The government data furnished by this inquiry have proved to be problematic in several ways. The gaps in the data may be explained by the fact that universities report sociology PhDs to DESE in more generic rather than discipline-specific Field of Education (FoE) codes or as PhDs in other disciplines. DESE has either not required or been able to enforce consistent reporting. This raises questions about the time and cost value of these annual compliance efforts. It also limits the value of these data to researchers in charting current and potential future trends.

While males have predominantly held leadership positions in national-level parliaments, the rising visibility of females as heads of government, despite their underrepresentation, is a significant trend. This study investigated the political resignation speeches of four female leaders in national parliaments: Australia, England, New Zealand, and Scotland. Examining their speeches revealed a strategic utilization of self-praise to construct their identity as effective leaders. A comparative analysis of these speeches highlighted distinct self-praise strategies employed. These speakers interacted with varied levels of familiarity with their audience influencing their self-praise strategies. Addressing familiar individuals prompted the use of diverse strategies, notably emphasizing direct self-praise with modifications. In contrast, when addressing less familiar recipients, leaders tended to lean more towards straightforward strategies. Across these speeches, a multimodal discourse analysis uncovered the diverse communication modes utilized by leaders including variations in bodily movements, hand gestures, and eye contact. These modes of communication reflected the perceived social distance between the speakers and their audience.

Force majeure circumstances, such as those witnessed in the COVID-19 pandemic, have been used to justify new technologies of governance as policy-makers around the world began to realise the magnitude of the problem and its political implications. In Australia, the coronavirus crisis focussed attention on the vital role education plays in society and was used as an opportunity by policy-makers to reinforce an agenda that, over the past two decades, has tied education policy-making to the economy and 'national interest'. Indeed, Australia's growing federal involvement, with respect to schooling policy was continued in the pandemic as the Australian Prime Minister (PM) created a national cabinet to deal with the crisis, consisting of the PM and state and territory leaders. However, despite the ongoing ambition of a national policy agenda pursued by federal policy-makers, fault lines appeared. Informed by Foucauldian notions of discourse, governmentality and biopolitics, this paper explores how Australia's federal Coalition government endeavoured to manage the population at the outset of the pandemic and subjectified teachers as responsible in the service of the economy. While COVID-19 was a crisis in search of a narrative, federal policy-makers experienced pushback as state and territory leaders assumed control and teachers refused subject positions.

We present a cost-benefit analysis of an Australian Government sponsored 3-year supported employment program for autistic adults--the DXC Dandelion Program--in the information and communications technology sector. We explored the range of direct costs associated with running the program, benefits to participants, and avoided costs to the government. Estimates were based on data from 56 (86% men; M[subscript age] = 25.28, standard deviation [SD] = 8.36 years) autistic participants in the program. The program generated a high benefit ratio for government, mainly driven by increases in wage rates and hours worked and avoiding welfare and unemployment benefit payments. Participants received the largest benefit through wages and access to the labor market, with most participants transitioning into productive, open employment following program completion. The results from the model are robust; the benefit ratio remained above 1.0 even when higher discount rates were applied. In sum, our analysis identifies potential economic savings associated with supported employment programs that provide pathways for otherwise unemployed or under-employed autistic adults to enter the workforce.

Geopolitics is shaping the international education landscape. International education has trationally been used as a tool to boost transnational cooperation, foster multilateral and global ties, and reduce tensions between nations. Such a role has been eroded and international education has been weaponised in the context of escalating political turbulences and disputes over the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, the relationship between Australia and China, with international student flows interrupted due to COVID-19, is overshadowed by escalating geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on a qualitative study, this article examines stakeholders' views on the responses of the Australian international education sector and universities to emerging geopolitical tensions. The conjuncture of geopolitics, COVID-19 and Australia's former government responses magnified a sense of crisis for universities and the international education sector as it was at risk because of their financial reliance on international students. Based on the findings, recommendations are made for the framing of a reciprocal, coordinated, responsive and empathetic international education sector to mitigate geopolitical risks and ensure more sustainable and ethical development for the sector.

The launch of new tools in late 2022 heralded significant growth in attention to the impacts of generative AI (GenAI) in education. Claims of the potential impact on education are contested, but there are clear risks of inappropriate use particularly where GenAI aligns poorly with learning aims. In response, in mid-2023, the Australian Federal Government held an inquiry, calling for public submissions. This inquiry offers a lens onto the policy framing of GenAI in education and provides the object of investigation for this paper. We use the inquiry submissions, extracting structured claims from each. This extraction is provided as an open data set for further research, while this paper focuses on our analysis of the policy recommendations made.

This article critically considers these recent developments and political context, proposing an approach to manage sensitive research in the complex contemporary political environment. The first part of the article defines security-sensitive research as research having risk associated with foreign interference, cybersecurity, biosecurity or terrorism. The second discusses recent political developments, foreign interference laws and government reforms seeking to better manage the security risks of sensitive research projects in Australia, and briefly surveying relevant developments in the United Kingdom and the United States. The third part examines the ideological and practical issues for universities in complying with the new government requirements and undertaking research in the contemporary political environment. It argues that universities must engage with ongoing societal developments and government reform to adapt their management of security sensitive research, and balance priorities, such as integrity and academic freedom, with broader critical priorities, such as the national interest.

University law schools have been beset with a sense of schizophrenia ever since first established in the 19th century. They were unsure as to whether they were free to teach and research in the same way as the humanities or whether they were constrained by the presuppositions of legal practice. More recently, this tension has been overshadowed by the impact of the neoliberal turn and disinvestment by the state in higher education. Ironically, as government has provided less money to universities, it has arrogated to itself increased control over teaching standards and research productivity. At the same time, the mastery of the legal profession continues to be exercised through the specification of 11 subjects required for admission to legal practice, known as the 'Priestley 11'. Drawing on Foucault's idea of the self as a kind of enterprise, it is argued that law students have also assumed an element of mastery over what is taught and how it is taught. It is suggested that all elements of mastery are imbricated with one another so as to reify enterprise and capital accumulation within the neoliberal economy. [This article was presented at 'Satisfying Many Masters: Teaching into Professional Degrees in Law and Engineering in the 21st Century', University of Southern Queensland, September 30, 2019.]

Legislative guidelines regulate professional experience within initial teacher education (ITE) but little is known about teacher educators' perspectives on how these guidelines are operationalised. ITE providers, in collaboration with school partners, implement a range of programs designed to develop pre-service teachers' 'classroom readiness'. We examine how current legislation influences the delivery of professional experience, the provision of funding, and support for university-school partnerships and in-school supervision. This analysis highlights ambiguities in the interpretation of the legislative guidelines, creating a disconnection between policy and practice, an over-reliance on the 'good will' of key stakeholders, and competing demands between the 'actual' and 'hidden' costs of professional experience. Without reform of both policy and practice ITE providers will continue to be constrained when attempting to meet regulatory expectations. These findings demonstrate a need for government departments and ITE regulators to work more closely to improve integration of policy and practice for professional experience.

This commentary reflects on what it means to have a mandatory policy for supporting trans students in education settings, drawing on the South Australian context. The authors argue that for policy to be productive, it needs to move beyond a document to being implemented in practice.

The aim of this research project was to examine how wraparound supports are represented in the Australian national and NSW state policies and schools and to identify best practices and models of wraparound support. The grey literature from seven sectors, i.e., youth justice, out of home care, disability, mental health, drug and alcohol, homelessness and education was searched and analysed. There is no consensus on a definition or understanding of wraparound across the sectors, the effectiveness of wraparound models is rarely assessed, and schools are not typically included in the wraparound teams of the other sectors.

This paper draws on critical race theory to explore the reproduction and enactment of Islamophobia in education policy. It will focus on an unprecedented policy intervention in which the federal Australian government withdrew funding from the largest Islamic private schools in the country. Australia represents a useful context to explore intersections between Islamophobia and the education market; as a diverse country which ardently supports religious protections, it maintains a well-subsidised private school sector, larger than comparable OECD countries. Thus, it is the first incident in Australian public policy in which a private school has had their funding formally withdrawn reportedly due to 'non-compliance' and 'misalignment with Australian values'. This paper focuses on the media reporting of the incident, illuminating consistently negative tropes utilised in relation to Islamic schools. The contradictions of muscular liberalism and secularism are explicated in critical exclusions of Islamic schools and cultural practices, as couched in whiteness.

The collection of data by government authorities has a complex history. In Australia, this began with the establishment of British government settlements as a way to account for fiscal viability and social prospects. As the colonies became self-governing entities, the collection of social and economic data increased in importance, and included school counts and the educational attainment of the population: initially a measure of basic literacy achievement. The practice of gathering school data became a prominent activity in the accountability, governance and management of each state education system. However, the collection of school data in Australia has received minimal reporting and scrutiny in education research or the history of education departments. The aim of this article is to provide an appraisal of the complexities and deficiencies inherent in the collection of school data over time, and contemporary inconsistencies in education data management that may affect the way researchers use government data.

Over the past two decades, two heavily funded initiatives of the Federal government of Australia have been founded on two very different and seemingly conflicting (if not antithetical) visions of education. The first, the Australian Values Education Program (AVEP, 2003-2010) enshrines what may be called an 'embedded values' vision of education; the second, the National Assessments Program-Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN, 2008-present) enshrines a 'performative' vision. The purpose of this article is to unpack these two seemingly conflicting visions and to argue instead for their possible consilience, bringing together apparently incompatible phenomena to coalesce into a single, more expansive vision of schooling. Against the historical context that gave rise to AVEP and NAPLAN in Australia, the article argues that the visions of education rendered in these abrupt policy shifts are vestiges of a history of dichotomous and dualistic thinking in western educational philosophy. Underpinning this dualism is a fundamental schism between cognition and emotion and a Cartesian separation of mind from body that can no longer be sustained. Our increased understanding of the neural substrates of cognition, the 'intertwined' nature of cognition and emotion, combined with a philosophy of mind that does not dissociate propositional knowledge from the disposition of the learner, points to an alternative vision of education. A vision that is thoroughly values embedded, concerned with the educational wellbeing of each child, while also giving value to and prioritising educational performance and achievement, and the intellectual liberation these can offer each and every child.

The use of digital technology in the classroom is a significant issue for teachers as they are under increasing pressure to teach in technologically mediated ways. This "digital turn" in education has culminated in the Australian federal government's Digital Education Revolution, which represents a multi-billion dollar commitment to putting computers in schools and the implementation of technological pedagogical practice. This paper focuses on the confluence between globalised economic process, the Digital Education Revolution, and the discourse of the digital native; and describes the way in which students' use of digital technologies is identity forming. I examine the Digital Education Revolution policy and related discourse in order to sketch out some of the educational implications. Drawing upon Giroux's (2004) notion of "public pedagogy" I argue that using digital technologies could potentially open up an educative space to allow students to author their own digital identity. While the Digital Education Revolution is a product of the influence of globalisation upon education, it, nonetheless, contains contradictory prohibitions and possibilities that can be utilised to take the use of digital technology beyond that of preparing students for work in a globalised information economy.

International learning mobility is a strategic and operational priority for both the federal government and the majority of universities in Australia. Dating back over a decade, successive governments have stressed the public good to be derived from having an increased proportion of students participating in mobility programs. It is seen as contributing to the nation's competitiveness through a more globally competent cohort and a more globally engaged higher education sector. Strategic planning among universities with very few exceptions makes specific or indirect reference to the importance of learning mobility and both government and institutions have continued to invest in growing the program. This investment has included significant annual increases in scholarships and travel grants that act as a critical catalyst in getting the students mobile as well as adding the administration required to support a growing program. In this positive environment students have taken up the option in increasing numbers to the point where Australian is now no longer a laggard in learning mobility and it can be compared with participation levels in the US and Europe. In this article, planning and promotional documents from five global leadership programs are reviewed to identify the motivations behind the establishment of this new wave of programs. The common motivations of the programs--to increase participation in learning mobility programs, to improve students' global and inter-cultural competence, to prepare students to compete in global labor markets, to better induct students to new cultures, to support internationalization of the campus and the curriculum, and to encourage greater integration of domestic and international students--can all be seen as aspiring to improve the international learning mobility experience for students. (Contains 2 tables.)

This essay focuses on the recent introduction by the Australian Federal Government of standardised literacy testing in all states across Australia (that is, the National Assessment Program--Literacy and Numeracy, or NAPLAN), and explores the way this reform is mediating the work of English literacy educators in primary and secondary schools. We draw on data collected as part of a research project funded by the Australian Research Council, involving interviews with teachers about their experiences of implementing standardised testing. These interviews indicate that the introduction of standardised testing does not merely constitute an additional part of teachers' workloads, but that it is having a significant impact on their identity as language educators, their understanding of curriculum and pedagogy, and the relationships they seek to maintain with their students. By introducing the NAPLAN tests, the Australian Federal Government is going down the path of other neo-liberal governments around the world. No doubt the story we tell will be familiar to readers in other countries. Our aim, however, is more than simply to give yet another account of the tensions experienced by committed language and literacy teachers as they implement neoliberal policy mandates. Key questions for us include: Why is the Australian government persisting with such policies, even when they have had such dubious consequences (teaching to the test, dumbing down, and so on.) in other national settings? How might educators resist these reforms? What intellectual resources might enable us to articulate an alternative vision of language education to that imposed by neoliberal reforms? (Contains 1 footnote.)

This article argues that public education needs to be reclaimed to fulfill its role as a "democratising force" to address social and economic inequality and to respect and recognise diversity and difference. By analysing historical developments in federal policy, funding and economic contexts a case is developed to demonstrate that the role of the state has been dismantled and the public nature of education has been reduced. The factors responsible are articulated and discussed with particular reference to the impact of neo-liberal policy, the "marketisation" of education and new public management. Measures such as those taken by Education Queensland that support the development of school leaders and teachers to engage in research, development and critical debate are supported. International examples of how systems have revitalised and supported the public nature of education are discussed. These include more intelligent accountability systems that respect the professionalism of teachers and collaborative curriculum development strategies that engage with all, including those who are least powerful such as the students. (Contains 2 tables and 1 endnote.)

In this paper, we use the development of the Australian Professional Standards for Teachers (APST) as an illustrative case to examine how national schooling reforms are assembled in Australia's federal system. Drawing upon an emerging body of research on "policy assemblage" within the fields of policy sociology, anthropology and critical geography, we focus on interactions between three dominant "component parts" in the development of the APST: the Australian federal government; New South Wales state government agencies; and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. While policies like the APST claim to be national in form and scope, our analysis suggests "the national" is much more disjunctive and nebulous, constituted by a heterogeneous and emergent assemblage of policy ideas, practices, actors and organisations, which often reflect "transnational" traits and impulses. We thus see national reforms such as the APST as having a phantom-like nature, which poses challenges for researchers seeking to understand the making of national policies in federal systems.

In the increasingly research and innovation-driven landscape of higher education, the Federal Government's Teaching and Learning Fund is supposed to redress the balance. Leesa Wheelehan is unconvinced. She argues the fund simply encourages game-playing between institutions in manipulating their teaching outcomes, and rewards good teaching on grounds that make no statistical or policy sense. (Contains 8 endnotes.)

Over recent years there has been widespread concern for masculinity and the education of boys in Australia. In the policy arena, this has involved a federal parliamentary inquiry into the education of boys ("Boys: Getting it Right: Report on the inquiry into the education of boys", October 2002) and a federal government response to this inquiry (June 2003). This was followed by a review of the current education policy directed at gender, the Gender Equity Framework, and the development of strategies to increase the number of men going into teacher training. The way in which "Getting it Right" and the federal government talk about boys and disadvantage is important. This paper argues that there is a particular understanding of disadvantage at work in this policy arena. It is an understanding of disadvantage extracted from a wider gendered power order. The paper argues that "Getting it Right's" particular understanding of disadvantage as outside of power differentials is achieved by two policy approaches. First, the Report compares some indicators of both girls' and boys' situations, but in a selective way. I call this a "selective comparative approach". Second, the Report emphasises the importance of focusing on the separate needs of boys and girls, just when the indicators of girls' position in society cannot be ignored. I call this a "mere difference approach". These policy approaches assume particular understandings of boys, girls and gender which, I argue, underpins a fundamental misdiagnosis of the problem with deleterious results for boys and girls. (Contains 7 endnotes.)

The federal government's 1999 White Paper Knowledge and Innovation: a policy statement on research and research training, notes concerns about retention and completion rates in doctoral studies programs in Australia. This paper outlines a model of higher education support developed at the Centre for Rural Social Research at Charles Sturt University. The postgraduate student body in the Centre represent the most vulnerable to attrition--mostly female and mature-aged, a majority studying at a distance and part-time, and most with family and work responsibilities. The program developed in the Centre--the SERPS model (Support, Engagement and Retention of Postgraduate Students)--has seen a significant rise in the number of students studying through the Centre and significantly high retention and completion rates. This paper outlines the model as well as the results of an evaluation of the model conducted with students in the Centre. This paper indicates that retention (and ultimately completion) is linked to the vibrancy of the learning and social support networks established for the students and the creation of a collegial culture.

This paper accepts that the OECD's PISA has become influential in policy terms globally, but analyses the ways that the main PISA and PISA for Schools tests are positioned differently in Australia and the USA because of contrasting educational federalisms in the two nations. Our argument is that while PISA is undoubtedly influential, its effects are nonetheless mediated by the political structures--here, the different models of federalism--present within different nations, which in turn leads to quite distinct "PISA effects". For instance, Australia oversamples on main PISA to make its data available for national and state-level policymaking, whereas the USA, with its focus on local governance in schooling, does not oversample, meaning that main PISA does not have a comparable policy salience as in Australia. Conversely, the newer PISA for Schools test originated in the USA with pressure from educators and philanthropic interests and has been implemented in a good number of schools, but it has not been taken up in the same way in Australia. Our analyses show how these differences reflect the idiosyncratic workings of federalism in the two nations, in which the federal government has a stronger policy and funding role in Australia than has hitherto been the case for the federal government in the USA.

This paper examines prime minister Robert Menzies decision to support science education in Australian schools in 1963. This was a landmark shift in policy for the federal government, but in many ways mirrors the decision of Eisenhower who brought down the National Defense Education Act (NDEA) in 1958. The paper uses a transnational approach to offer a new way of looking at the 1963 decision by focusing on the need for science education and the environment which supported science advocacy rather than the traditional interpretation of political expediency to court the Catholic vote.

Issues of privacy, anonymity, and computer security emerging with advancing information technology are outlined, and implications for universities are discussed. Emphasis is on the Australian context and on Australian government and international initiatives concerning privacy. Sensitive information categories are identified, and measures institutions can take to protect confidentiality in information handling are explained. (MSE)

This paper explores the repositioning of state curriculum agencies in response to the establishment of the Australian Curriculum and the key national policy organisation responsible for its development: the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA). I begin with an analysis of the federal Labor government's role in the early years of the Australian Curriculum reform, arguing that Labor was afforded a rare window of political opportunity that enabled the fundamental restructuring of curriculum policy at the national level, and which has significantly altered intergovernmental and inter-agency relationships. Following this, I engage with research literature that has sought to theorise the changing nature of Australian federalism in relation to schooling reform. I then present an empirical analysis based on interviews with policy-makers in ACARA and curriculum agencies in four Australian states (Western Australia, New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria). My analysis draws attention to three dominant trends: powerful new roles for ACARA in driving national reform and inter-agency collaboration; increased policy overlap and blurred lines of responsibility; and an uneven playing field of intergovernmental and inter-agency relationships and powers. I conclude by considering the implications of emerging reform trends for conceptualising the shifting dynamics of federalism in Australia and beyond.

Asia literacy is a growing concern of the Federal Government in relation to the development of an Asia literate workforce. Despite 30 years of funded initiatives, the thought of teaching about Asia is a daunting one for pre-service teachers. This is due to the lack of Asia foci in university pre-service courses and complicated by the definition of Asia literacy. This study sought to identify the Asia literacy needs of 54 undergraduate pre-service students in a teacher education programme of study at a regional university. Results of this study indicated that few respondents considered themselves to be Asia literate and most did not believe they were ready to teach about Asia. However, the majority of respondents wanted to know more about Asia prior to graduation. The results indicate that much needs to be done to support students and universities in preparing students to teach about Asia.

Many advanced market democracies pursue social justice by bundling together a range of programmes represented as active social policy. Northern European exemplars sanction employment as an economic and social citizen's civic obligation, promote lifelong learning and place welfare payments as a last resort. In the United States, market-based post-school education financed by guaranteed student loans was developed as a policy alternative. Australian politicians have embraced elements of both, resulting in a massive reduction in public delivery of vocational education and training in favour of multimillion dollar, stock exchange-listed private providers. The resultant amalgam of active labour market policy and free market principles positions standard setting as a regulatory mechanism and in support of cross-jurisdictional market operations. This paper explores the interaction between active policy and demands of the market while speaking to wider issues that arise when a government first creates and then intervenes in markets.