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In the early 1920s the Greek Consul General in Queensland, Christy Freeleagus, attempted to persuade Australian politicians, diplomats and immigration officials to grant assisted passage and allotments of land to Greek refugees. Making representations in the United Kingdom and Australia, Freeleagus claimed that Greek refugees, who were displaced due to an imposed transfer of populations between Greece and Turkey in 1923, would make ideal agricultural settlers. While Freeleagus' representations for a Greek land settlement scheme were ultimately unsuccessful, his advocacy reveals how Australia's preference for British immigration overshadowed any likelihood that displaced Greeks could be humanitarianly assisted to immigrate and resettle in Australia as farmers. By focusing on Freeleagus' advocacy and the refusal of Australian immigration officials to assist displaced Greeks, this article ties Australian history to studies on Greek-Turkish population exchange. It also reveals how the interwar dynamics of land settlement and immigration restriction in White Australia were interlinked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the three decades following World War II, Australian assistance to Papua New Guinea (PNG) comprised around 80 per cent of the Australian 'aid' budget. The large amount of colonial spending has led many observers of contemporary Australian policy to reflect on the 1960s as a time of Australian generosity in the field of foreign aid. Examining this history through the prism of Australian colonial policy complicates the story of Australian generosity. From the immediate postwar challenges of Eddie Ward's 'New Deal' to the Paul Hasluck period and the immense changes of the 1960s and 1970s, foreign aid and colonial development were inherently (if not explicitly) linked. By bringing these fields of policy together, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Australian foreign aid generosity is challenged by the historical imperatives of colonial administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical narrative of Australia's foreign and defence policy‐making during the Pacific War tends to foreground the years 1941–42, characterising them as the turning point when the government realised that Britain alone could no longer protect Australia's regional security interests and turned to the United States of America for its salvation. This article makes a contribution to the alternative view, arguing that Australia was looking to the US well before Prime Minister John Curtin's famous "looks to America" proclamation. It does so with a focus on Australia's thinking and policy towards the engagement of the US in the years 1939‐41, arguing that the coordination of its economic policy with the US, rather than seeking insight into high‐level strategic planning, offered the nation the greatest opportunity to tie its security interests in the Asia‐Pacific region with those of the US. In exploring the role of economic policy in Australia's preparation for war, this article offers new insight into the maturation of Australia's foreign policy apparatus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tells the tale of two events of constitutional significance: the arrival in 1888 of steamer the SS Afghan into Sydney Harbour and the entry in 2001 of Norwegian containership the MV Tampa into Australian territorial waters. More than 100 years apart, these incidents raised parallel issues about the scope of the executive power to control entry into Australia and the role of courts in the formulation and implementation of migration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on several aspects of Australia's defence and foreign policy for protecting and upholding international criminal and humanitarian law (ICHL). It mentions that Australia has signed and ratified the Rome Statute in 2002 that underpins the International Criminal Court. It also mentions about important role of Australia in drawing up the United Nations (UN) Charter, drafting the universal declaration on human rights, and the establishment of the UN Security Council.

While many have remarked upon Prime Minister John Howard's “use” of the Anzac legend for political purposes, our understanding of the nature and dynamics of such use remains fragmented and underdeveloped. Using the area of foreign policy as a case study, this essay approaches Howard's Anzac Day and related ceremonial rhetoric as examples of the epideictic genre, which presents speakers with a combination of unique rhetorical opportunities and strict generic constraints. While often perceived as apolitical and inconsequential, the genre embodies a form of argumentation that serves not only to increase the “intensity of adherence” to certain values, thus laying the groundwork for later deliberative appeals, but also creates a “disposition to act at the appropriate moment”. This paper will argue that Howard's employment of Anzac was bounded and defined by the nature and dynamics of the epideictic genre, of which Howard proved to be a savvy user. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genetic and biochemical resources have the ability to provide considerable economic, social and environmental benefits to a nation. Traditional knowledge of these natural resources is extensive. Biopiracy occurs when commercial actors appropriate traditional knowledge without recognition or benefit‐sharing. It has faced international condemnation. The importance of acknowledging traditional knowledge and ensuring benefit‐sharing from inventions based on this knowledge is recognized. This paper explores strategies for protection of traditional knowledge and considers the adequacy of Australia's approach. It discusses the global problem of biopiracy and Australia's international obligations. It explores Australia's current protection, including part 8A of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Regulations ( ) (Cth). This paper then compares Australia's strategy to the protections afforded in the United States, New Zealand and Brazil. It is argued that an additional disclosure of origin and source requirement within the Australian Patents Act (Cth) would assist in better protection of traditional knowledge and the promotion of benefit‐sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article provides a brief overview of the politics of the Australian government from January to June 2017 under the leadership of prime minister Malcolm Turnbull. Topics include the resignation of Health Minister Sussan Ley and the subsequent shifting of cabinet ministers, the court decision ending the term of Western Australian Senator Rod Culleton for a constitutional violation, issues of political participation and dual nationality, and Australia's response to the election of U.S. President Donald Trump.

This article explores Australia's extraterritorial non-entrée policies, which are designed to prevent the irregular arrival of refugees and keep refugees in countries of origin and first asylum. In an age of securitisation, many States have attempted to restrict access to asylum through a range of extraterritorial measures that seek to prevent refugees from reaching territorial borders in order to claim protection. The first part of this article outlines Australia's unilateral non-entrée policies, including visa requirements, carrier sanctions, airline liaison officers, surveillance technologies, interception at sea, and the excising of Australian territory. The second half of this article explores the emergence of co-operative non-entrée policies, which have seen Australia enter into agreements with its regional neighbours to deter, detain, and deport would-be asylumseekers. Together, these extraterritorial non-entrée policies see Australia's regional neighbours take on the responsibility of border control on behalf of Australia, making it increasingly difficult for refugees to reach Australian territory in order to seek protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the history of Australia's relationship with Asia. The majority of people in Australia were less open to cross-cultural relationships. It redesigned its military policy in response to Japanese threat but has a close trade relationship with Japan before the war. It discusses how Asia was depicted in Australian art and literature.

Despite a proclaimed commitment of the 'developed West' to international cooperation in the formation of durable solutions for refugees, a pattern of defensive policy designed to outsource obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention has emerged. In this context, on 26 September 2014, Australia and Cambodia signed a 'responsibility sharing' agreement for the relocation to Cambodia of recognised refugees who originally sought protection in Australia and were removed to Nauru for processing. Whilst the Cambodia Agreement is of particular relevance in the Australasian t region, this paper will analyse its nature and eff ect against the backdrop of the global trend of burden shifting and the implications of such an agreement for international law. This paper will examine whether the Cambodia Agreement complies with the t 1951 Refugee Convention through an analysis of the potential issues with fulfi lment of the rights found therein. This requires the establishment of a continuum of jurisdiction pursuant to which it is concluded that transferees under the Cambodia Agreement remain under the eff ective jurisdiction of Australia. This t paper concludes that while a developing country may have the capacity to provide the requisite standard of protection to refugees under the 1951 Refugee Convention, in practice Cambodia fails to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Bali Process in the context of Australia's securitised approach to migrant smuggling, and the consequences this has for both the Australia-Indonesia diplomatic relationship and the Bali Process overall. The Bali Process is the premier regional forum for combating migrant smuggling and is well placed to discuss and develop regional cooperation policies on irregular migration within the region. In particular, the Bali Process remains a key domain where Australia and Indonesia can contest and amend the norms and practices around the human rights of refugees and asylum-seekers. This article traces and analyses the emergence of Australia's bilateral agreements for offshore processing and resettlement between 2011 and 2014, which Australian political elites aligned rhetorically to the Bali Process, but which the authors argue remain in tension with stated Bali Process objectives in terms of rights and protections for asylum-seekers and refugees. This article identifies that Australia's security-driven policies and regional disagreements over humanitarian responsibility remain an ongoing tension within Bali Process states, and provides commentary on the implications of this for future Australian policy relating to regional cooperation on irregular migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam's particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. he range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam's attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. his article also reviews Whitlam's role in the conduct of international relations with Australia's neighbours, notably the People's Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the aspects of the foreign policy in Australia and its association to the country's liberal democracy, considering how they serve as the bedrock of the democratic politics.

This article explores the utility of a constructivist-media communications approach to understanding the production of national identity in Australia through a case study of the Australian Labor Party's 2011 decision to allow uranium sales to India. The decision came at a time when Australian foreign policy, political debate and news media discourse were increasingly concerned with India and China, as ‘rising’ superpowers whose prominence offered opportunities for economic prosperity even as it undermined settled regional power balances. This article finds that, rather than a matter of rational strategy, the decision was made in a context of considerable anxiety about the ‘Asian century’ as the Australian public, politicians and policymakers struggled to comprehend geopolitical change. It further argues that the constructivist project in international relations can benefit from engaging with insights from media and communications methodologies and by taking a less hierarchical approach to ‘elite’ and ‘non-elite’ discursive agency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The New Colombo Plan (NCP), a key plank in the Australian government’s foreign policy agenda, leverages student mobility as public diplomacy to improve Australia’s standing and influence within the Indo-Pacific region. Conceptualized as a “rite of passage” for young Australians, the NCP has been welcomed by Australian business, industry groups, and stakeholders because of its potential to deliver lasting relationships and practical economic benefits. Coordinated by the foreign affairs portfolio, the NCP represents a significant and distinct component of Australia’s public diplomacy, firmly aligned to advance the state’s economic diplomacy agenda. This paper explores the evolution of the NCP. It draws on stakeholder impressions from the program launch and pilot to explore early limitations and deeper soft power challenges. Findings suggest that the NCP is robust, yet key issues of strategic coherence, partnership, and evaluation require further attention if it is to deliver on its soft power promise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While foreign policy featured prominently on the Australian political agenda in late 2014, the manner of Australia's engagement with the world challenges the idea of a ‘pivot’ from domestic politics to foreign policy. In particular, the government demonstrated a tendency to prioritise domestic political considerations, in particular public opinion, in its dealings with the outside world. This was evident across a range of issue areas: from the ‘internationalist’ agenda of asylum, climate change and aid to more traditional concerns such as bilateral relations with Indonesia and international security. This article explores these dynamics and asks what implications this has for both Australian foreign policy and theoretical accounts of the role and desirability of public engagement with foreign policy in international relations thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article challenges the validity of recent suggestions that shared history underpins India-Australia relations through an historical analysis of little-known diplomats who worked for the Indian High Commission in Australia and the Australian High Commission in India immediately after Indian independence. Based on largely unexplored archival material from India, Australia, and Canada, it argues that Australia's racialized identity, as expressed through the White Australia policy, thoroughly shaped Indian perceptions of Australia. While Indian policy makers never officially voiced their distaste for White Australia, Indian diplomats put their efforts into reshaping the image of India in Australia through travel and personal contacts as part of an effort to educate Australia about India. Likewise, Australia's colonial identity led it to see India and Indian foreign policy as "irrational" due to its emphasis on racial discrimination and decolonization. It is argued that, far from underpinning the relationship, colonial histories and subsequent postcolonial identities have played an important role in fracturing India-Australia relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores British, Australian and New Zealand phosphate mining histories in Oceania, with a particular focus on the impact of mining on Banaba, also called Ocean Island, in Kiribati, the former Gilbert Islands Colony. The Ocean Island case provides insight into the nature of Australia's imperial relationship with the Pacific Islands, putting into context, for example, its current relationship with Nauru as a host for refugee detention centres. Both islands were mined for phosphate by the British Phosphate Commissioners which operated out of centres in Sydney, Melbourne, Auckland and London. Islands such as Banaba, once critical for Australian agriculture, are absent in Australian public memory but the effects of Banaba's environmental and social ruining endure. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article draws on recent research and policy developments to make a case for considering international students as an important component of Australian foreign relations. It links historical and contemporary Australian experiences of international students, especially in the Colombo Plan andNew Colombo Plan, to the field of public diplomacy, and sets an agenda for further research in this direction. It highlights the need to recover student voices and to be sensitive to the emergence of everyday or ‘vernacular’ internationalism, as a phenomenon of international students visiting, traveling and otherwise encountering different groups of Australians. It suggests a need to take up anew this form of inquiry for both earlier postwar student experiences and the post-1980s period, in which international students’ voices are frequently silenced by debates over commodification, funding needs, and neo-liberal economics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent polling has shown that younger Australians are less likely to support the alliance with the USA than older Australians. This may reflect the passing of the wartime generation from the Australian population and the rise of a new, better educated, more multicultural Australia less sympathetic to the USA. Some have concluded that Australia may be undergoing a generational shift away from alignment with the USA. In this article, I pool all Australian Election Studies from 1993 to 2013 to assess this possibility. I find that ageing, not formative political experiences, pushes Australians in a more pro-American direction. Additionally, degree holders and Australians from non-Anglo-Australian backgrounds are slightly less likely to support Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty (ANZUS), but the alliance still commands comfortable majority support even here. ANZUS is therefore likely to remain a popular component of Australian foreign policy for the foreseeable future. 最近的民调显示，相对于老辈，年轻的澳大利亚人不大会支持美澳联盟。这也许是因为战争一代逝去，受过良好教育、多文化的新一代对美国较少好感。一些人认为澳大利亚正在经历一个代际转移，不再站美国一边。笔者网罗了1993至2013年澳大利亚的全部选举研究，以评估这种可能性。笔者发现，年龄的增长而不是形成阶段的政治经历造成澳大利亚人更为亲美。再有，有学历的和非盎克鲁撒克逊背景的澳大利亚人对澳新美安保条约的支持度要稍低一些。但即便是这部分人口，支持美澳联盟的也占大多数。在可预见的未来，澳新美联盟依然会是澳大利亚对外政策得民意的一部分。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Regional tendencies in higher education are increasingly important, for example the common rise of North-East Asian universities in China, Hong Kong SAR, Taiwan and South Korea, and Singapore in South-East Asia, to a major global role, following the prior trajectory of Japan. Though the rapidly modernizing Post-Confucian countries do not constitute a formal region, they share a common political and cultural dynamism, entailing rapid improvement of quantity and quality in education and research. This poses challenges and opportunities for Australia, a British/European heritage nation located at the edge of Asia, with extensive trade into East Asia, and an Asian-influenced demography, providing that it can (1) further develop its research capacity, given that research provides the main medium of deep collaboration in higher education, and (2) lift its cultural capacity to interface with systems in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official Australian photography of the military occupation of postwar Japan provides a significant modern case study of photography as a medium of neo-colonial and Orientalist representation. Asserting its dominance of the combined British Commonwealth Occupation Force supporting the Americans, the Australian military revelled in the role of occupier of a wartime enemy who was still widely loathed. Sometimes compared with the British Raj in Imperial India, the Occupation became a historically familiar exercise of the white man’s power and privilege over the conquered and colonised Asiatic. It was marked by the rituals and practices of tourism, including the taking of photographic images. Photography was the main medium by which the event was recorded and circulated to the public back in Australia. Keen to convey images of a force enjoying the privileges of victory while in firm control of a still distrusted people, official photographers affiliated with the Australian military sought to capture a picturesque, feminised and ‘traditional’ Japan. This was a Japan that the war had made obsolete and which the Occupation was intended to modernise. The photographic appropriation of Japan reveals the ambiguity of the Occupation project, and the shallowness of Orientalist representation more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Australia's new-found post-colonial ‘independence’ in 1901 initially required it to continue to hold on to the apron strings of its colonial master. After World War II, these needs changed, as did the geopolitical power of the leading nations. For Australia, there would be the need to secure its borders, build its labour power, find security arrangements, and adhere to a cold war framework in its geographical region. The USA and the Asian region fell into Australia's sphere of interest. Italy, on the other hand, was a nation of contrasting interests and perspectives. Besides being located in Europe, the post-war period defined Italy by its participation in the concept of a European community and an entirely different set of allies, concerns and trajectories, which made it position itself in a different orbit than that of Australia. Australia's changing economic and social needs required a new and vast migration program in 1947, which would change the dynamics of its relationships. Enter Italy. The two countries now had common destinies in relation to migration—Australia needed people to help build its country, whilst Italy encouraged its impoverished rural population to emigrate to this distant and foreign land. A relationship was born. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the foreign policy of the Australian government under Prime Minister Tony Abbott during the period from July to December 2014. The author comments on the differences between the foreign policy between the Abbott administration and the previous Labor party government. He also considers the strategies related to Australian national security as well as its membership in the United Nations.

Shortly after the First World War ended, Australian authorities erected memorials in France and Belgium in memory of the Australian Imperial Force. Decades later, during the so-called ‘second generation of memory’, Australians again engaged in planting memorials on sites of memory on the Western Front. This article compares the two periods of memorial building, contrasting the sites that were chosen for commemoration and examining what these suggest about the difference between past and contemporary modes of remembering the First World War. It highlights the growing importance, in extra-territorial commemoration, of memorial diplomacy and the development of a shared memory between Australians and the communities which host their memorials. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When war erupted in 1914, Britain embarked on its prewar plans of mobilising resources from its vast Empire, and created an imperial coalition which fought within a wider coalition with France, Russia and, later, the United States of America. This article examines the limited role performed by Australian naval and military forces within this wider imperial effort and assesses the extent to which Australian forces relied on British command, technology, and logistic support. It challenges common assumptions about Australia’s wartime performance, including the degree to which Australian forces and commanders contributed to tactical innovation and wider planning and operational thought. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite the amplitude with which Prime Minister W. M. Hughes voiced Australian claims during the First World War, his conduct in the immediate postwar years shows that his nationalism remained consistent with an imperial and British standpoint. This proposition is illustrated with reference to Hughes' role in the 1921 imperial conference, the Chanak crisis, and his post-prime ministerial memoir. While obsessed with expedients to improve the speed and scope of intra-imperial communications and thus facilitate consultation, Hughes was concerned to ensure that Australia played a proper role in arriving at a consensus on the deep common interest that unified Britain and the Dominions. His lack of concern for extending the scope for independent action won by the Dominions during the war, his dismissive remarks regarding the British role in the League of Nations, and the vehemence of his communications with London in 1922, must all be seen within the context of an imperial loyalty that survived the war undiminished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 20 years, the Australian American Leadership Dialogue has acquired enviable access to political leaders in the foreign policy establishments of both countries. The influence of the Dialogue is at earlier consensus-building stages of decision making. Its importance has been in ‘relationship maintenance’ of the bilateral alliance which it has pursued through processes of informal diplomacy. The Dialogue now faces its own challenges of organisational renewal and relevance in the wider ‘interpretative community’ of Australian think tanks, university policy institutes and opinion-formers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The interwar period represents an era of emerging growth and maturity in Australian foreign and defence relations, with a distinct focus shift from Imperial to regional matters. However, this expression of independent policy has been largely overlooked in the existing literature. Rather, Australian policy makers of this era have been framed as disinterested in policy making, lacking direction and preferring 'to deal with the world one step removed through Whitehall'. Such interpretations have overlooked significant policy changes throughout this period, painting Australia as a timid and naïve nation, content to follow Britain's every policy and demand. This article will challenge such views, drawing upon a recent growth in literature that supports the notion of growing assertiveness in Australian foreign and defence policy throughout the 1920s and 1930s. In doing so, this article will seek to redefine the interwar image of Australia. This will be achieved through an examination of Australia's response to the increasingly doubtful diplomatic and security assurances it received from Britain throughout the 1920s and 1930s. The uncertainty that this created forced Australian policy makers to assess their previously unchallenged commitment to the British Empire and to consider the growing significance of Australia's direct region in policy making, ultimately finding that the pursuit of a new policy direction was necessary. This article will examine this new assertiveness in policy making within the context of appeasement and rearmament, explicitly in its relation towards the potential regional aggressor Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's treatment of asylum seekers has long been under the human rights spotlight. Over the past 20 years, mandatory detention of asylum seekers pending refugee status determination and transfer of asylum seekers to Nauru and Papua New Guinea by Australia have been widely labelled as violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Such criticisms have multiplied since August 2012, when all asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat became subject to offshore processing by Nauru and Papua New Guinea, amounting in practice to prolonged detention in oppressive conditions. There can be little doubt that treatment of asylum seekers by Australia violates international human rights law. Instead, the pressing question is whether this treatment could also amount to crimes against humanity. This article analyses Australia’s policy of mandatory detention and offshore processing of asylum seekers through the lens of international criminal law. Following an element-by-element analysis, it concludes that there would be a prima facie case under the Statute of the International Criminal Court for the crimes against humanity of severe deprivation of liberty and persecution, yet not necessarily for the crime against humanity of deportation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The conceptual category of the Anglosphere never found explicit currency in John Howard's narrative when he was prime minister. While in office, he ostentatiously avoided 'putting Australia into a particular sphere – Anglo or otherwise'. This article suggests instead that his endeavour to reshape Australia drew on an Anglospherist perspective. The reshaping of Australia he undertook when he won office rested on two pillars of Anglospherism: the rejection of multiculturalism and the alignment to countries with 'shared values' in Australia's external relations. The article traces how these two Anglospherist precepts found actual implementation in Howard's re-framing of 'Australian multiculturalism' and re-conceptualisation of 'Australia's engagement with Asia'. 约翰·霍华德担任总理期间，英语圈的说法在他的叙述里并不通行。在他的官方官样文章里，他明确地避免把澳大利亚放进特定的圈子——英语圈也好，别的圈也好。霍华德在职的时候重塑澳大利亚的努力，其实是基于英语圈的视角。他赢得竞选时要重塑澳大利亚的事业，有两个英语圈的支柱：拒绝多元文化；对外关系中优先"持共同价值观"的国家。本文研究了霍华德如何将这两个英语圈思路落实到对"澳大利亚多元文化"的重新塑造、对"澳大利亚与亚洲关系"的重新思考中的。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complex matrix of public, political and policy debates that were brought to bear on Australia's decision to withdraw from Iraq. In analysing the 'politics of withdrawal' in Australia, this article identifies four dominant frames that served to polarise the issue along party-political lines and reduce the complexities of Australia's withdrawal to a set of simple polarities (such as 'stay the course' versus 'responsible withdrawal'). Specifically, these frames obfuscated an assessment of the myriad challenges facing post-Saddam Iraq and the prospects for peace, security and development beyond Australia's withdrawal. Understanding the ways in which Australia framed its decision to disengage from Iraq is critical to further analysis of Australia's approach to current (or future) military draw-downs (such as in Afghanistan), as well as those conducted by other liberal democracies, such as the US and the UK. 澳大利亚从伊拉克撤军的决定引起了公共、政治、政策上的舌剑唇枪，本文探讨了这些辩论的复杂背景。本文分析了澳大利亚的"脱身政治"，发现有四个框框依政党—政治思路将话题两极化，将澳大利亚脱身的复杂性简化成一套极端性（如"坚定不移"对"负责任地脱身"）。特别是这些框框妨碍了对后萨达姆伊拉克所面临的无数挑战的认识，对澳大利亚撤军后的和平、安全、发展前景的认识。理解澳大利亚形成其退出伊拉克决定的方式，对于分析澳大利亚最近的军事低介入（例如在阿富汗），以及其他自由民主国家如美英的同类选择，都至关紧要。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically evaluates the agenda and strategy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue (AALD) for protecting and strengthening the Australia–US alliance. Nominally an exercise in informal diplomacy dedicated to fostering mutual understanding, the AALD functions more like a pro-American lobby group as it seeks to preserve orthodox thinking and eschew dissenting perspectives. The AALD performs this function in three main ways: by carefully framing discussion and debate, by socialising Australian elites into the alliance orthodoxy and by serving as a 'gatekeeper' of the status quo. 本文对保卫、加强澳美联盟的澳美领袖对话提出批评。该对话虽然名义上只是加强共同理解的非正式外交实践， 但其作用更像是亲美游说集团，因为它要保持正统的思路，回避不同的观点。该对话用三种方式实现这一功能：小心地设置讨论和辩论；向澳大利亚精英灌输联盟的正统观；充当现状的守门人。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents list which depicts bilateral and multilateral treaties made by Australia during 2012-2013 including an agreement with Slovak Republic on social security; agreement to amend the Australia-U.S. free trade and an agreement with Dominica on the exchange of information on taxes.

The article lists several treaties made by Australia during 2012-2013, that are discussed within the periodical's issue, including agreement with Latvia on social security; agreement to amend the Australia-U.S. free trade and the Malaysia-Australia free trade agreement.

The article discusses Australian foreign affairs in the years leading up to World War II, focusing on the influence of Australian historian Stephen H. Roberts on Australia's foreign policy. Other topics include a discussion of Roberts' contributions on international affairs to the periodical "Sydney Mail," Australian ideas about Nazism and fascism, and Roberts' ideas about the potential for war, prior to the outbreak of World War II.

The activities of a little known Japanese photographer working in Sydney, Australia during the early to mid twentieth century sheds new light on the photographic connections between Australia and Japan. The life and work of Ichirō Kagiyama are important catalysts for rethinking dualistic relationships between the ‘West’ and the ‘East’, and for developing an approach that allows for more nuance and complexity. Working directly with Australian photographers and tastemakers at a time when the so-called White Australia policy defined Australia as a racially exclusive country, Kagiyama challenges expectations about the historical relationships between Australia and Japan. Kagiyama’s work also illustrates the interrelationships between diverse forms of photography practice, from art and commercial photography to espionage, as well as close connections between the worlds of art, design, international trade and photography in 1920s and 1930s Sydney. As Kagiyama’s photographs resist essentialist readings yet were framed when published by stereotypes of Japanese culture as traditional, feminine and decorative, they help to tease out a certain tension within Australian–Japanese relations in the lead up to the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the Vietnam War, Australian defence policy has been based on the concept of self-reliance—the ability to defend Australia without allied combat forces. Self-reliance arose from concerns about US support in conflict with Indonesia. It has implications for Australian foreign policy, force structuring, joint operations and the defence industry, which were most coherently laid out in the 1987 White Paper. Later White Papers adapted this framework, but the 2013 White Paper seems to move towards a new approach to defence policy and strategy, which continued use of the term ‘self-reliance’ obscures rather than elucidates. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]