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In both Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have called for alternative non-colonial political arrangements. In October 2023, Australians voted in a referendum against distinctive Indigenous participation in public policymaking, which had been proposed as a step toward a more inclusive political system. On the same day, New Zealand elected a new Parliament, leading to the formation of a government comprising three parties that had campaigned against what they saw as excessive Māori political influence. Comparing these developments and the histories of the two countries raises questions about liberal equality, democratic citizenship, and whether all or just some citizens should own the liberal democratic state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Medically compromised people with anorexia nervosa are cared for in inpatient settings where clinicians closely monitor health and safety. Clinicians are in a position of power, with the capacity to impose mandated weight gain to achieve medical stabilisation. Consumers are in a vulnerable position, compelled to temporarily relinquish autonomy and to accept coercive practices that often diminish the quality of the therapeutic relationship. Clinicians' position of power in mental healthcare has a dual potential for both healing and harm, and limited attention has been given to consumers' views of clinicians' power. The aim of this qualitative descriptive study was to investigate the consumer perspective of clinicians' power in the inpatient care of anorexia nervosa, establishing insight into the beneficence and maleficence of the power asymmetry. Ten women with anorexia nervosa in the community participated in semi‐structured interviews online. The COREQ checklist was used to ensure accuracy and completeness of reporting. Thematic analysis revealed that abuses of power were common in the course of inpatient AN care, however life‐saving measures were regarded as defensible. The perception of clinicians' power was determined by the strength of interpersonal relationships and clinicians' clinical competence. To mitigate the potential for harmful experiences, clinicians' use of power must be exercised with close consideration for consumer perspectives, with the integration of person‐centred care and trauma‐informed care principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The ability to lead change is well recognised as a core leadership competency for clinicians, including emergency physicians. However, little is known about how emergency physicians' think about change leadership. The present study explores Australasian emergency physicians' beliefs about the factors that help and hinder efforts to lead change in Australasian EDs. Methods: An online modified Delphi study was conducted with 19 Fellows of the Australasian College for Emergency Medicine. To structure the process, participants were sorted into four panels. Using a three‐phase Delphi process, participants were guided through a process of brainstorming, narrowing down and ranking the factors that help and hinder attempts to lead change. Reflexive thematic analysis was used to code and interpret the qualitative data set emerging from participants' responses through the final ranking phase. Results: A wide array of self‐, ED‐ and hospital‐related enablers and barriers of leading change were identified, the relative importance of which varied as a function of panel. Five core themes characterised emergency physicians' conceptions of change leadership in hospitals: challenging environments of competing interests and tribalism; need for trust and psychological safety to sustain collaboration; challenges of navigating complex hierarchies; need to garner executive leadership support and; need to maintain a growth mindset and motivation to practice change leadership. Conclusion: The findings of our study provide new insight into emergency physicians' conceptions of the nature, barriers to and enablers of change and point to new directions in leadership development to support emergency physicians' aspirations in the context of quality, organisation and health systems improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have confirmed the diplomacy value and soft power influence of international alumni (IA), but the relationship between IA and knowledge diplomacy (KD) is under-researched. Meanwhile, there needs to be a change from the soft power framework to the knowledge diplomacy framework in international higher education studies to emphasise mutuality rather than dominance. This study explores the relationship and mechanism of IA and KD by document analysis of Australian governmental policies. This study examines and analyses the Australian international alumni engagement strategy and identifies it as a knowledge diplomacy approach rather than a soft power approach. This study also points out the mechanisms of IA and KD. This study informs the Australian government and other governments worldwide to better engage with their valuable IA groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we describe the long-term impact of engagement in a short-term outbound mobility program (OMP) that connected Australian preservice teachers with Malaysian preservice teachers at an education institution in Kuala Lumpur. The university program was funded in the first iteration by Australia's Study Overseas Short-term Mobility program and subsequent iterations by the New Colombo Plan. These grants are a government soft power initiative that partners Australian students with colleagues in Indo-Pacific countries to further Australia's influence in the area. This qualitative research focuses on the transformative learning of graduate teachers who participated in a two-week OMP as undergraduates. Transformative learning occurs when new experiences challenge individuals' prior knowledge, beliefs, practices, and basic assumptions about things, prompting them to reflect and consider new ways of thinking and being. Our research followed the Australian teachers up to seven years after they completed their Bachelor of Education program to learn what transformative learning from their engagement in the OMP was realised in their current teaching practice as a result of the government's soft power initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the role of art intermediaries as power brokers working with different market stakeholders in the Indigenous art market in Australia. To conceptualise the legacies of settler colonialism and colonial market structures, we employ a decolonisation approach to understand how art intermediaries navigate the inherent tensions and power struggles within society. Using in-depth interviews, archival data, and fieldnotes, we identify three different roles of art intermediaries as cultural conduits, art connoisseurs, and change agents who use their power to engage in cultural expansion, aesthetic expansion, and political resurgence, respectively. This research highlights how some art intermediaries work to decolonise the market, while others reproduce dominant settler market structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out an argument from legitimacy for the proposed Indigenous Voice to Parliament in Australia. The article first sets out an understanding of political legitimacy and of legitimacy deficits and argues that the Australian Government faces a legitimacy deficit with respect to its exercise of political power and authority over Indigenous Australians. The deficit arises, it is argued, because Indigenous Australians face significant structural injustice and there is little hope of redressing this injustice within the prevailing governing conventions. The article then argues that the proposed Indigenous Voice to Parliament ought to be seen as part of a package to address this legitimacy deficit by resetting the governing conventions of Australian society. The argument from legitimacy is then compared favorably with more familiar arguments from sovereignty and the right to self‐determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural safety is increasingly recognised as imperative to delivering accessible and acceptable healthcare for First Nations Peoples within Australia and in similar colonised countries. A literature review undertaken to inform the inaugural Caring for Australians with Renal Insufficiency (CARI) guidelines for clinically and culturally safe kidney care for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples revealed a timeline of the emergence of culturally safe kidney care in Australia. Thirty years ago, kidney care literature was purely biomedically focused, with culture, family and community viewed as potential barriers to patient 'compliance' with treatment. The importance of culturally informed care was increasingly recognised in the mid‐1990s, with cultural safety within kidney care specifically cited from 2014 onwards. The emergence timeline is discussed in this paper in relation to the five principles of cultural safety developed by Māori nurse Irihapeti Ramsden in Aotearoa/New Zealand. These principles are critical reflection, communication, minimising power differences, decolonisation and ensuring one does not demean or disempower. For the kidney care workforce, culturally safe care requires ongoing critical reflection, deep active listening skills, decolonising approaches and the eradication of institutional racism. Cultural safety is the key to truly working in partnership, increasing Indigenous Governance, respectful collaboration and redesigning kidney care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peace processes require societies to break with animosity and violence. Scholars and practitioners have traditionally focused on institutional and structural mechanisms. Recent contributions have stressed the need to address the emotional legacies of destructive conflicts and how they influence peace processes. We build on these contributions by engaging current debates on decolonisation. We advance a three-part argument that places decolonising emotion at the core of peace and conflict studies. First, prevailing concepts and practices of peace rely on collective emotions that are western and colonial in origin. Emotions are central to the power dynamics that sustain colonial legacies and the practices of exclusion and injustice that ensue from them. Second, decolonising emotion requires an openness to different feelings which, in turn, can open up possibilities for creative ways of thinking about and practising peace. Third, these realms – colonial legacies and resistant ways of being and feeling – do not exist in isolation. Potentials for peace-making emerge from complex 'interfaces' between them, which we examine through two cases: the emotion of Han (한/恨) in Korean traditions of conflict resolution; and links between mourning and conflict management in the Maluilgal First Nation of the Torres Strait in far northern Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An appreciation of Aboriginal land rights in New South Wales (NSW) is characterised by two dominant narratives. One is that land rights are central to achieving and advancing recognition and support for the existence and survival of Aboriginal peoples in the settled spaces of south‐eastern Australia. In this view, Aboriginal land rights realise intrinsic political power. The second dominant narrative is that the land estate restituted to Aboriginal people's Local Aboriginal Land Councils (LALCs) is to be "activated" and "leveraged" for economic prosperity of collectively defined groups and shared to support and sustain individuals and families. This perspective holds that land enables realisation of wealth and prosperity. Although these narratives are based in truth, they have served to make some important work and values held by Aboriginal people less visible in any evaluation of the benefits of land rights. It is this less visible work, the work of care that is unique to Aboriginal worlds and made possible by the resources and structures of LALCs realised through the Aboriginal Land Rights Act, 1983, that is the focus of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pride events in majority-White contexts reflect social structures and power relations which privilege individuals from that group. The normative Whiteness that shapes these societies influence the dominance of Whiteness in queer spaces and Pride events which take place in them. This paper focused on queer people of colour (QPoC), in Australia, to understand how their intersectional identities shape perceptions of the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. Drawing on intersectionality as a framework, the study analysed interviews with 12 individuals. Results indicate participants feel a disjuncture between their queer identities and ethnicities and that queer spaces in Australia are premised on a normative Whiteness. While Mardi Gras is a meaningful and positive experience for respondents, the findings suggest the event perpetuates a narrow understanding of what it means to be queer by centring a White subjectivity and stereotypical queer representations. Findings suggest greater inclusivity can be achieved by 'inviting in' QPoC, meaningfully supporting more diverse expressions of 'queerness', including QPoC in all stages of the event, and being sensitive to the diverse needs of different groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ways in which multicultural youth leadership programs reflect a model of participatory citizenship and individual empowerment that risks affirming white institutional worlds. Drawing on data from a national study of migrant and refugee youth in Australia, it suggests that while these activities offer useful forms of civic and vocational training for its participants, leadership programs can burden migrant youth with forms of cultural labor that other young people are not expected to perform. Programs of multicultural youth leadership make young migrants responsible for their communities, while also obscuring these communal attachments and responsibilities via an emphasis on individual achievement. It is argued that such programs form part of a wider discourse of neoliberal nationhood and youth futurity, where ideas about the productive potential of migrant youth are shaped by normative ideas about what the nation should be. These programs could instead be reoriented to emphasize the critical and creative capacities of migrant youth. Strategies of co-production can enable young people to take up a more flexible range of positions through which they share their expertise, and contribute to collective forms of cultural citizenship that can challenge, rather than affirm, the white institutional worlds through which they are governed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on spatial-temporal barriers shows that temporary migrant workers are vulnerable to exploitation and has concentrated on how they utilize new media to address underpayment and exploitation. These studies, however, have left unexplored the agency, temporality, and spatial considerations that underpin why workers prefer to activate "informal" mechanisms of complaint rather than accessing "formal" channels of redress, such as the Fair Work Ombudsman or labor unions. Using Working Holiday Makers in Australia as an example, this article focuses on digital togetherness generated through new media. I argue that digital interactions on new media platforms not only change the spatial-temporal limit of temporary migrant workers, but also create digital togetherness and connect workers with different imagined others (customers, arriving migrant workers, and workers who are facing exploitation). This connection can become an everyday resistance strategy, a remedy to space–time limits, and potentially challenge asymmetrical power relations between workers and employers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relationships between students and external partners in work-integrated learning can vary and power dynamics, hierarchies and student agency have been under explored in research to date. Integrated research involving workintegrated learning, students as partners and transdisciplinarity presents an opportunity to enrich each of these fields. This paper presents the results of a case study of transdisciplinary project-based work-integrated learning in Australia. Our results highlight that reciprocity and the valuing of student knowledge are key elements in breaking down traditional power dynamics and enabling student agency, in line with the transdisciplinary principle of mutual learning. Participants who valued these elements in their relationship were less likely to frame the relationship in hierarchical terms and were more open to learning from one another. By empowering students to draw on their expertise and reframe challenges while also preparing partners for this kind of relationship, all parties can be positioned as learners within work-integrated learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite worsening material realities of the climate, discursive tensions between a need to popularize climate issue and an increasing politicization trend in climate change communication continue to unfold. Politicizing climate change as an ideological conflict may mislead the public to perceive it as essentially a topic about politics rather than science and health. It also creates discursive and real political space for local governments and intergovernmental organizations to defray responsibilities and delay action. To closely examine the ways popularization and politicization are localized, this article focuses how the same issue was discursively constructed as different newsworthy events vis-à-vis news voices of different power status in People's Daily and Sydney Morning Herald, the most read newspaper in China and Australia respectively. Findings demonstrate that while People's Daily tends to globalize China's local climate efforts and polarizes the climate issue as international conflicts between developed and developing countries in general, and between China and the US in particular, Australia's media tends to localize global climate efforts and represents it as domestic conflicts between the Coalition government and the rest of domestic society. Findings were explained by recourse to different societal functions of news media and changing power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that the everyday language distinction drawn between power and influence is meaningful and significant. There is good reason to believe that much corporate lobbying activity which is currently described under the heading of business power is better understood as attempts to secure negotiated agreements based on exerting influence rather than power and that the latter is usually used only when attempts to use influence have failed. We develop an analytical distinction between influence, understood as successful efforts at persuasion, and power using Keith Dowding's work on power. Drawing upon findings from interviews with corporate professionals operating at the coalface of business and government interaction in Australia, we show that lobbyists generally seek "quiet" behind-the-scenes accommodations with governments via attempts to exert influence rather than power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how non-native English-speaking teachers' (NNESTs) professional identities can be affected by their employment experiences in Australia. Hermeneutic phenomenological narrative analyses of the written narratives of lived experiences of a group of NNESTs demonstrate how their professional identities were negatively affected by hiring discrimination, which also had psycho-emotional impacts on their professional selves. Socio-cultural representations of race, language, and other cultural attributes convergingly contributed to their unemployment despite meeting country-specific eligibility criteria to be English as a Second Language (ESL) teachers. The interplay between their professional identities and socio-cultural constructs took shape in modes of power relations enmeshed in the historic processes: economic, political, and cultural, which included discourses of native-speakerism, neo-racism, post-colonialism, neoliberalism, and multiculturalism. Despite these modalities, the NNESTs furthered their hybrid professional actions, recognising the value in the global community of multiple and diverse professional experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mine closure practices have continued to improve over the last few decades; however, across the industry rehabilitation outcomes continue to fall short of community expectations. While examples of successful rehabilitation exist, there are still limited examples of mines closing, relinquishing, and transitioning to another land use. Barriers to relinquishment such as residual risk, land transfer liability, and limited next land use options are compounded by the lack of legislated mine relinquishment policy. Broader mine closure policy has evolved significantly over the last few decades in Australia, with recent changes in some states enhancing mandates requiring progressive rehabilitation and financial assurance mechanisms in an effort to continue to improve mine closure outcomes. Government authorities with legislative powers to report and influence rehabilitation activities in Queensland and Victoria are also considered a positive mine closure policy direction. Despite these recent legislative developments there is still no multi‐agency regulatory policy framework integrating mine closure and relinquishment in any Australian jurisdiction. This article explores how recent mine closure policy changes in Australia could be used by policy makers to enable relinquishment in the future and provides recommendations for an integrated multi‐agency relinquishment policy framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the job‐seeking experiences of Black African migrants in South Australia, focussing on the role played by social networks in labour market integration. While it has been long held that "who you know" matters when finding work, the quality and nature of interpersonal connections that can be put to use for job‐seeking purposes suggests that not all networks effectively leverage social capital when it comes to employment. This article argues that Africa‐born migrants in South Australia are a small, diverse population whose experiences of labour market integration are mediated by both reception (how they are received and perceived) and strategy and choice (decisions made by migrants themselves). There is evidence of these migrants' evolving and expanding social networks; however, the strategy of building the "right" social networks only goes part‐way to addressing employment gaps, while racialised social hierarchies are embedded in the Australian labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing women's representation in male‐dominated work sectors remains a persistent problem. This paper reorientates the focus from women's underrepresentation to male overrepresentation and privilege, to identify and compare the causal mechanisms between the overrepresentation of men in two traditionally male‐dominated work places in Australia: politics and construction. By applying feminist institutionalism, masculinities, and privilege, it argues the overrepresentation of men is linked to gendered rules that uphold hegemonic masculinities which produce masculine privilege and supports a gender hierarchy. Masculine privilege occurs via three mechanisms: (1) a culture of denial; (2) perceptions that rules are neutral, legitimate, and applied objectively; (3) through backlash and resistance to keep the gender status quo in place. We argue the effects of privilege combine to act as a barrier to the attraction, retention, and progression of women to both sectors and conclude that the masculine privilege provides a valuable lens to explore how male dominance operates within work sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large corporations in Australia have shifted from limited to more fulsome engagement in political activity (CPA) in recent decades. The paper argues that this reflects corporate institutional change in response to wider changes in the environment that have included growing government intervention, increased industry concentration and intra-sectoral competition, and a more complex and challenging discursive and issues environment. Quantitative and regression-based analysis of the drivers of CPA are employed and the analysis is extended and deepened with material drawn from interviews with twenty-five corporate government relations professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the prime ministers of the United Kingdom and Australia both declared their intent to ban indirect, or secondary, boycotts. In the United Kingdom, the ban was directed against public bodies engaging in the "boycott, divest, and sanction" (BDS) campaign against Israel. In Australia, the proposed ban was directed against environmental action groups. Research on market-based activism to date has focused primarily on conceptualizing the use of the market by nonstate actors to achieve social change, with less attention paid to the role of the state in these dynamics. State efforts to curtail social movements' repertoires of contention require careful scrutiny to understand the state's role in legitimizing or delegitimizing political activism and to reveal the complex power dynamics between corporations, social movements, and the state. This article analyzes two key instances of the state declaring an intent to prevent activists from protesting through the market. By investigating how indirect boycotts were problematized by state actors, we aim to reveal the rationale behind the state's intervention in marketplace politics. Our findings indicate that opposition to the political cause behind the boycott, rather than a problematization of the strategy itself, drives state intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mary Graham and Morgan Brigg advance a timely and provocative call to incorporate a relationalist ethos into Australian foreign policy, informed by Indigenous Australian worldviews and diplomatic practices. Their proposal holds great promise in enriching Australia's regional engagement. Yet it abrades against a persistent survivalism that is deeply sedimented in Indo-Pacific Asia's statecraft. Quintessentially survivalist practices – exemplified in coercive state-building and competitive power politics – date from the advent of sedentary civilizations in antiquity. These traditions of violent inter-polity competition long predated and have now outlasted the West's brief period of colonial domination in Asia. Exemplified most dangerously in China's current push for regional primacy, these survivalist pressures will constrain Australia's foreign policy for the foreseeable future. This limits but by no means negates the progressive possibilities offered by incorporating an Indigenous relationalist ethos into Australia's statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study tries to investigate and examine the extent of power dynamics of diverse actors in supply chains (SCs) in affecting the (un)stable connections within the logistics service providers (LSPs) triad in manufacturing firms (MFs) in Australia as a developed country. Design/methodology/approach: This study adopted a qualitative research approach by conducting 28 face-to-face semi-structured interviews, which was performed over a five-month period, between May and October 2022 with the targeted respondents via several Case MFs studies focusing on the triadic SC relationships through the power dynamics of LSPs (e.g. Case 1/MF-A, Case 2/MF-B, Case 3/MF-C, Case 4/MF-D and Case 5/MF-E) in order to gather primary data from the perspectives of logistics service clients, providers and suppliers that are dealing with MFs in Australia country. Interviewees were selected based on their knowledge, professional, expertise and tasks that are related to the study context if they are from MFs and/or LSPs. The researchers performed NVivo 12 Software as a tool for analyzing the collected primary data from the targeted interviewees, thus using a purposive sampling approach. This study constitutes a cornerstone for a conceptual exploration of the field of B2B and as it expands existing fields of broadcasting and investigation that focus on B2C within the manufacturing firms' context. Findings: The findings clearly show the importance of stable purchase volume and resource ability for a focal company in the logistics triad. This leads it to have a strong long-term relationship through monitoring its partners and curbing evolutions in different dyads. Practical implications: Identifying influential factors offers complementary insights to practitioners for depicting the SC relationship dynamics using the dominant power used by logistics service providers. Such findings encourage investigating an issues in emerging countries. Originality/value: The study provides an extending novel piece of work on how to establish the relational embeddedness of two dyads through the power dynamics of the dominant player represented by LSPs that can significantly affect the triadic SC relationships in manufacturing firms (MFs). Such a perspective seems not to be similar to the classical standpoint in the SCM literature, in which the LSPs as a dominant and dynamic power derived from bridging the customer-supplier sustainable dyads relationship in the MFs context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Balassi Institute is the main cultural institution responsible for facilitating Hungary's cultural diplomacy goals in promoting Hungarian national culture and relationship-building with its diaspora communities abroad. This paper argues that the Balassi Institute's Hungarian Culture & Language Studies program operates as a resource of soft power in collaboration with Hungarian communities abroad to strategically shape second, third and fourth generation Hungarian-Australians as 'good-will ambassadors' who are expected to continue Hungary's cultural diplomacy efforts through promoting Hungarian culture abroad. This process of good-will ambassador construction occurs well before the program's commencement through selection processes and in drawing on the efforts of the Hungarian diaspora communities. This paper draws on focus group data with Hungarian community leaders in Australia and analysis of public documents and program applicant forms to the Balassi Institute. It also draws on motivation letters provided by previous program participants, communications with staff from the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as information provided by the Hungarian Scout Association Abroad, to highlight that both the State of Hungary and the Hungarian community in Australia become agents of soft-power collaboratively working to construct Hungarian good-will ambassadors and fulfil shared aims in safeguarding Hungarian national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts around transport mega-projects, driven by social and environmental impacts, are increasingly prevalent around the world. While environmental impacts have received significant attention, less is known about how the intangible social impacts of these projects stimulate conflict. Assessment of these impacts is crucial; however, the process is often influenced by the underlying power relationships within neoliberal governance. This paper analyses the discursive context of state-community conflicts in transport mega-projects and explores how power dynamics shape the perceptions of both the intensity and extent of its social impacts. Drawing on a case study of the WestConnex project, a controversial motorway development in Sydney, the paper analyses government policy documents and online community submissions to explore the conflicts around the project. Through critical discourse analysis, the paper provides insights into the nature of power relationships that limit the scope of impact assessment and underpin conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unquestionably Kerr's view on how to resolve the crisis by removing a prime minister who commanded the majority of the lower house, which had only just been elected little over a year earlier was not only glaringly contentious, but it also asserted a very radical interpretation of the Crown's political powers of intervention. This tension would eventually lead to the dramatic action that Kerr saw as the only way to resolve the crisis, which was to sack Whitlam and invite Fraser to be prime minister instead. Asked the Australian historian Manning Clark in 1976 reflecting on the events and consequences of the sacking of his friend, Gough Whitlam as Labor prime minister by the Governor-General of Australia, Sir John Kerr, on 11 November 1975. [Extracted from the article]

Despite the Australian Government's attempts to reduce domestic violence (DV) incidences, impediments within the social and health systems and current interventions designed to identify DV victims may be contributing to female victims' reluctance to disclose DV experiences to their primary healthcare providers. This scoping review aimed to provide the state of evidence regarding reluctance to disclose DV incidents, symptoms and comorbidities that patients present to healthcare providers, current detection systems and interventions in clinical settings, and recommendations to generate more effective responses to DV. Findings revealed that female victims are reluctant to disclose DV because they do not trust or believe that general practitioners can help them to solve their issues, and they do not acknowledge that they are in an abusive relationship, and are unaware that they are in one, or have been victims of DV. The most common symptoms and comorbidities victims present with are sleep difficulties, substance use and anxiety. Not all GPs are equipped with knowledge about comorbidities signalling cases of DV. These DV screening programs are the most prominent intervention types within Australian primary health services and are currently not sufficiently nuanced nor sensitive to screen with accuracy. Finally, this scoping review provides formative evidence that in order for more accurate and reliable data regarding disclosure in healthcare settings to be collected, gender power imbalances in the health workforce should be redressed, and advocacy of gender equality and the change of social structures in both Australia and New Zealand remain the focus for reducing DV in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Forced displacement impacts the health, rights and safety of women, which is further compounded by gender inequality. In particular, this has consequences for forcibly displaced women's reproductive health once resettled in a new country. To ensure the reproductive health and rights of forcibly displaced women during and after resettlement, there must be careful consideration of their reproductive decision-making taking into account the context and environment of the host country. Aim: This scoping review aimed to explore the influences on reproductive decision-making among forcibly displaced women resettling in high-income countries. Method: A scoping review was conducted following the PRISMA-ScR for reporting. EBSCO was used to search databases covering global health, health policy, psychology, sociology, and philosophy for articles published from 1 January 2012 to 27 April 2022. Data extracted from each article included author(s), year of publication, publication type, aims/objectives, study design, sampling method, data collection or eligibility criteria, study population (i.e., sample size and characteristics), migration status, country(ies) of origin, host country(ies), key findings and limitations. Two independent reviewers screened all articles against eligibility criteria using Covidence. Data charting and thematic analysis were performed independently by one reviewer. Findings: Nineteen articles published between 2013 and 2022 mostly conducted in the United States (36.8%) and Australia (21.1%), with the majority reporting on qualitative findings (68.4%), and women from a wide array of countries and cultures (most commonly African countries) were included. Influences on women's reproductive decision-making related to the contexts before displacement, during displacement, and after arrival, with influences on women's reproductive decision-making identified specific to the context. The influences before displacement included conflict; religious beliefs; socio-cultural gendered expectations; and external control over reproductive autonomy. During displacement influences included paternalism and access to education. Influences after arrival included pressure, restriction, coercion; knowledge and misconceptions; patriarchal power dynamics; and seeking empowerment. An adapted socio-ecological model was developed to interpret the findings. Conclusion: This review highlights the complexity and nuances within forcibly displaced women's experiences which influence their reproductive decision-making. Further research may review the evidence base to provide guidance for healthcare professionals and health policies aimed at empowering women to make autonomous reproductive decisions; develop training for healthcare professionals to prevent pressure, restriction and coercion of women's reproductive autonomy; and inform development of policy that takes an intersectional approach to women's health rights and gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of its strategy to win African votes for election to the UN Security Council (2008–12), Canberra sought to leverage its soft power potential by presenting Australia as having "no colonial baggage" in Africa while framing Australia as "a country from the Global North, located in the Global South," and one that would "work with other small and middle powers." Ultimately, the campaign was successful, including up to 50 of Africa's 54 countries voting for Australia. This paper considers this framing in the context of a shared but differentiated colonial history, including its contradictions, given that Australians fought several wars on African soil on behalf of the British Empire, supported white minority regimes and anti‐communist movements on the continent, and maintained the white Australia policy until the 1970s. The paper deploys decoloniality theory to engage Australia's lack of a neat fit within a historicised articulation of a "coloniser‐colonised" relationship between Europe and Africa. We show that, despite this lack of fit, Australia's relations with the countries of Africa reinforce long‐standing of patterns of knowledge, power, and being associated with colonialism. Accordingly, the paper makes three recommendations for cooperation and innovative thinking in foreign policy and diaspora diplomacy between Africa and a more independent and multicultural Australia based on the "equality of being." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emotionality is increasingly given prominence in the field of language acquisition and socialization in migration contexts. This cross-sectional study explores the emotional experiences of Chinese and African immigrant families in their practices of maintaining their children’s heritage languages. We used openended interviews, field notes from informal conversations and observations, photographic evidence of children’s literacy practices, and language portrait (LP) descriptions, to collect data. Results from an ethnographic analysis of the data revealed a whole range of negative and positive parental emotions (e.g., anxiety, loss, shame vs. enjoyment, accomplishment, and pride), in the discourse of maintaining heritage and minority languages. We discuss the language emotions, whether positive or negative, in light of language ideologies, which specifically points to the significance of profit discourse in the formation of family language policies (FLPs). This materialistic valorization reveals the complexities of power relations between English and minority languages, between Chinese and African languages, and within various Chinese and African languages. Consequently, the distinct hierarchies between English and minority languages and the hidden layers within minority languages further legitimate diasporic ideologies of Chinese and African parents in terms of the emotionality associated with prioritizing, maintaining, and forgoing languages. These findings suggests that language emotionality is of vital importance to the psycho-social wellbeing of immigrant families and has practical implications for policymakers and heritage language research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study was to determine whether contrast training (CST) elicits superior strength-related and power-related outcomes compared with progressive resistance training (PRT). Sixteen male amateur Australian Rules Football players (age, 19 ± 2 years; height, 183 ± 8 cm; body mass, 78.5 ± 8.8 kg; mean ± SD) completed 2 weeks of standardized resistance training followed by 6 weeks of either CST or PRT. Both CST and PRT improved absolute (20 and 19%) and relative (19 and 16%) 1 repetition maximum (1RM) half squat strength, absolute (8.7 and 8.7%, respectively) and relative (8.2 and 6.1%, respectively) squat jump peak power, and 20-m sprint performance (5.4 and 4.7%, respectively), including both 0 to 5 m (15 and 14%, respectively) and 0 to 10 m (8.6 and 7.5%, respectively) splits. Vertical jump height only improved with CST (6.5%), whereas body mass only increased after PRT (1.9%). There were negative associations between the baseline power-to-strength ratio (PSR) and improvements in both absolute (r² = 0.51 and 0.72 for CST and PRT, respectively) and relative (r² = 0.65 and 0.60 for CST and PRT, respectively) squat jump peak power. There were no statistically significant (i.e., p ≥ 0.05) between-group differences for all training outcomes. Both interventions improved various strength-related and power-related measures, although a lower baseline PSR was associated with greater improvements in power-related outcomes after both interventions. Contrast training is therefore an effective alternative to progressive resistance training during relatively short-term (6-8 weeks) training periods in young, male, team-sport athletes, particularly in those with a lower power-to-strength ratio. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon and implications of stigma have been recognized across many contexts and in relation to many discrete issues or conditions. The notion of spatial stigma has been developed within stigma literature, although the importance and relevance of spatial stigma for rural places and rural people have been largely neglected. This is the case even within fields of inquiry like public and rural health, which are expansively tasked with addressing the socio-structural drivers of health inequalities. In this paper, we argue that developing a better understanding of rural place stigma is critical for addressing contemporary patterns of spatial injustice and health inequalities affecting rural communities globally. Drawing on international literature and examples from the reported experiences of rurally living Australians and news and other media, we present an analysis highlighting the power in rural place stigma. In doing so, we build a case for the relevance and importance of interrogating rural place stigma, especially in the fields of public and rural health, for changing the conditions within—and the broader positioning of—the rural in the public and political landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Women and Whitlam: Revisiting the Revolution" edited by Michelle Arrow is a collection of essays that explores the agenda for women during the Whitlam government in Australia. The book is divided into five sections, each focusing on different aspects such as political influence, the law, health and social policy, media, arts, and education, and the legacies of the era. The essays provide historical knowledge, personal stories, and inspiration for readers. The collection aims to shape the future by examining the past and highlighting what was achieved and what still needs to be done for women's equality and justice. The book also emphasizes the importance of diverse perspectives and voices, including Indigenous contributors, in the fight for lasting and meaningful change. [Extracted from the article]

While Australian and Italian policies on irregular maritime migration are widely debated, they have seldom been examined together, a gap in the literature that this article addresses with a comprehensive comparative analysis. Informed by theories on irregular migrants' reception, it traces the two countries' policies between 2000 and early 2022, and examines their many convergences and few discrepancies through a framework comprising (i) domestic pressures, (ii) international pressures, and (iii) the choice between the moral imperative and national interest. It finds that contrasting socio-political characteristics domestically explain why Canberra and Rome have at times adopted opposite policies, whereas comparable international pressures clarify the implementation of similar ones. It also sheds light on the contradiction in Australia's middle power identity and 'good international citizenship', and on Italy's torn posture betwixt great power politics and humanitarian efforts. In 2020–2022, their policy continuity amidst the COVID-19 pandemic is worthy of notice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job insecurity is a widespread workplace stressor that has been extensively investigated using quantitative approaches. With the use of a critical organisational psychology framework, we conducted a meta‐synthesis of 20 qualitative studies to investigate the experience of job insecurity among vulnerable employee groups (i.e., women and immigrants). The qualitative meta‐synthesis results suggest that there are meaningful differences. Specifically, whereas women were more concerned with and exposed to deteriorating working conditions, men experienced job insecurity as a threat to their identity. Among immigrants, the experience of job insecurity is viewed as largely intersecting with the legal system, impacting their ability to remain in their country and making them feel powerless. Thematic evidence also emerged regarding individual actions that participants use to attain security in contrast to corporate strategies that enhance job insecurity. We contribute to the critical organisational psychology literature by discussing how these results test common academic theories and neoliberal assumptions pervasive within the job insecurity literature: We highlight how organisations manufacture job insecurity, question the existence of harmonious social exchanges, discuss the use of job insecurity as a form of worker control, consider the role of the legal context in aiding worker exploitation and argue for an intersectional view of job insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of National Boards to take immediate action under the Health Practitioner Regulation National Law Act to restrict the ability of health practitioners to practise is an important aspect of the regulator’s drive to protect the public. This article examines the development of the law in respect of the use of the power, primarily by reference to court and tribunal decisions across the various jurisdictions in Australia. Some of the key principles from the decisions are identified as well as certain areas in which the law is still developing and may be a little uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homelessness is a significant social issue that continues to confront Australian society, despite burgeoning public and policy responses to the issue. Existing scholarship demonstrates the important role the media can play in shaping such responses by framing homelessness – and the people who experience it – in particular ways. However, to date there has been limited focus on how the media represents social responses to homelessness, or how such representations might influence public perceptions of the appropriateness of current responses. Drawing on analysis of four years of media articles (2016–2019), this article examines how the print media frames responses to homelessness in Brisbane, Australia. Our findings demonstrate that the media largely frames current responses as fulfilling and enjoyable for volunteers, and as desperately needed by people who experience homelessness. In representing the issue in this way, the media highlights the unequal power dynamics between those experiencing homelessness and those responding to homelessness. Rather than challenging this problematic power hierarchy, however, the media reifies it through its celebration of temporary and inadequate homelessness responses. We argue that such framing has the potential to promote public and policy support for responses that do little to address the underlying causes of the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, the 2022 acquittal by an all-white jury of Northern Territory police officer Zachary Rolfe following the shooting death of nineteen-year-old Indigenous man Kumanjayi Walker has re-highlighted the absence of First Nations Australians on the criminal jury. This article argues that addressing their absence is a crucial step in dealing with the continuing crisis of legitimacy facing the Australian criminal justice system. It does so by considering Indigenous peoples’ under-representation on juries from an historical perspective, drawing on franchise inequality, as well as the ancient right to mixed juries that originated in twelfth-century England, to demonstrate the well-concealed power dynamics that underlie the failure to render juries more representative. The article further makes the point that this often overlooked democratic dimension of the jury means that the issue is one that goes beyond who is on trial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how women think about men's bodies as objects of desire. It reports on one part of a larger qualitative study on men's bodywork practices in contemporary Australia. Drawing on material from three focus groups with 24 Australian women of varying ages, sexual orientations and backgrounds, the paper considers how women experience, understand and reflect on their desire for men and men's bodies. It also explores themes such as the connection women draw between what a man's body looks like and what it can do, how attraction is experienced, the meaning making women engage in as they think about men and men's bodies, and the broader politics of sexuality and objectification that inform their perceptions and ideas. These experiences are set against ideas in post-feminist thinking on women's sexual desire and debates on their sexual empowerment. The paper argues that these women are grappling with tensions between their personal experiences of sexual objectification and a feminist ethics relating to their active and reflexive projects of sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agriculture and Land Use, Land-Use Change and Forestry (LULUCF) sectors account for almost 25 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions through livestock farming, land clearing, and land use activities such as cropping, changing grassland into settlement or deforestation. The LULUCF is a key sector for carbon sink capacity. Despite desperate need for stronger climate change mitigation efforts, there has been little attention paid to the institutional instruments that govern the mitigation potential of the agriculture and LULUCF sectors in Australia. Using Australia's Lockyer Valley catchment in Queensland as an example, this study investigates the dominant discourses about climate change that are conveyed in the institutional instruments (legislation, policies, strategies, and plans) that apply to catchment scale governance. We employ Bacchi's approach to policy analysis, to understand the dominant discourses, silences, and underlying power dynamics that shape institutional instruments in a catchment setting. The key findings reveal (1) a discourse that is alert to the impacts of climate change while largely ignoring its link to greenhouse gas emissions; (2) a pronounced silence about emissions from agriculture and LULUCF in institutional instruments; and (3) a general development paradigm that couples economic growth with carbon emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on Butlers' concept of a 'liveable life' that pays attention to social power as constitutive of the psyche. I offer the concept of driving retirement melancholia to better understand why the future loss of a driving licence is often spoken of as living death. The article draws on qualitative fieldwork conducted in 2019 with drivers aged 65 years of age and over in Wollongong, New South Wales, Australia. I argue that retirement from driving is a form of social melancholia or blocked grief. The argument is that families, medical practitioners and transport authorities in car dominated western societies need to better understand the imagined loss of driving as constituting an ungrieveable and unliveable life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the pandemic many aspects of our life were recalibrated through the digital—highlighting the paradoxes of the digital for both empowerment and exploitation. In particular, the pandemic demonstrated the increasing role of the digital in shaping, and being shaped by, kinship. Kinship is a complex term that captures our relationality, intimacies and connections. Kinship is always in action, always becoming. Throughout the pandemic, some cohorts such as older adults (65 years +) were disproportionally disadvantaged due to the uneven digital literacies skills. In this article I expand upon the role of digital kinship as part of human and more-than-human choreography of (informal) care for older adults in Australia. I also reflect on the role of creative forms of knowledge transmission such as illustrations and placemaking games to curate public awareness and enact change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The normalisation of gambling for young people has received considerable recent attention in the public health literature, particularly given the proliferation of gambling marketing aligned with sport. A range of studies and reports into the health and wellbeing of young people have recommended that they should be consulted and engaged in developing public health policy and prevention strategies. There are, however, very few opportunities for young people to have a say about gambling issues, with little consideration of their voices in public health recommendations related to gambling. This study aimed to address this gap by documenting young people's perceptions about strategies that could be used to counter the normalisation of gambling and prevent gambling related harm.Methods: This study took a critical qualitative inquiry approach, which acknowledges the role of power and social injustice in health issues. Qualitative interviews, using a constructivist approach, were conducted with 54 young people (11-17 years) in Australia. Reflexive thematic analysis was used to interpret the data.Results: Five overall strategies were constructed from the data. 1) Reducing the accessibility and availability of gambling products; 2) Changing gambling infrastructure to help reduce the risks associated with gambling engagement; 3) Untangling the relationship between gambling and sport; 4) Restrictions on advertising; and 5) Counter-framing in commercial messages about gambling.Conclusions: This study demonstrates that young people have important insights and provide recommendations for addressing factors that may contribute to the normalisation of gambling, including strategies to prevent gambling related harm. Young people hold similar views to public health experts about strategies aimed at de-normalising gambling in their local communities and have strong opinions about the need for gambling to be removed from sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]