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Australia has long been a key ally of the United States in the Asia-Pacific, and it has welcomed US announcements of a ‘pivot’ towards the region in the face of a rising China. Canberra will lend political support, provide US forces with greater strategic depth, and offer selective military contributions, particularly in the eastern Indian Ocean and the Malacca and Lombok Straits. However, Benjamin Schreer and Sheryn Lee argue that, barring a dramatic change in the strategic environment, Australia will retain its focus on the immediate neighbourhood and will remain sceptical of attempts to construct an anti-Chinese coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the talks for a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) were launched in 2010, there appeared to be a coincidence of interests between the American and Australian governments in negotiating a high-quality, ‘21st-century’ trade arrangement that would multilateralise the bilateral and minilateral trade agreements that have proliferated in the Asia-Pacific region in the last 15 years. As the negotiations progressed, however, a divergence between American and Australian interests became apparent. Protectionist interests in the United States have prevented the administration from improving on market access agreements in the current preferential trade agreements with TPP partners, thereby undermining the multilateralisation objective. Some of the elements of the US template for 21st-century trade agreements, notably enhanced protection for intellectual property, and the inclusion of investor–state dispute resolution, clash with Australian trade priorities. Moreover, the central role of the TPP in the US ‘pivot to Asia’ has led to perceptions that it is part of a strategy to encircle China: consequently the TPP may force Australia to make the very choice between China and the United States that the government wishes to avoid. 当2010年启动跨太平洋伙伴关系时，在谈判高质量、“21世纪”的贸易安排时美国和澳大利亚政府的利益似乎走到了一起。这种贸易安排会使过去十五年里亚太地区繁荣的双边及微关系多边化。在谈判进行的过程中，美澳之间的分歧却变得明朗了。美国的保护主义利益集团阻碍政府在现行的与亚太伙伴的最惠贸易协定中改善贸易准入协定，因此损害了多边化的目标。美国21世纪贸易协议的模式，明显加强了知识产权的保护，而且包含了投资者—国家争端解决的内容，与澳大利亚贸易优先的考虑发生了冲突。但亚太伙伴关系在美国重心移往亚洲的计划中至关重要，让人觉得就是包围中国战略的一部分。因此亚太伙伴关系会迫使澳大利亚在中美之间做澳政府并不愿意做的选择。 [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The ‘disappearing islands’ is a distinct idea that emerged out of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report to describe the vulnerability of small island states in the Pacific to sea-level rise as a result of climate change. In this article I deploy the ‘disappearing islands’ to map the complex politics of climate change governance. Through various governmental rationalities the ‘disappearing islands’ are operationalized as proof of climate catastrophe; as a means of concretizing climate science's statistical abstractions and as a signifier of the urgency and uneven impacts of global climate change. Drawing on focus group research from the Australian Research Council Linkage project Hot science, global citizens: The agency of the museum sector in climate change interventions, I juxtapose these multifarious governmental perspectives with the views of ordinary citizens in Australia and the United States in relation to the fate of the disappearing islands as a result of developed world consumption choices and carbon-burning practices. I conclude that rhetorical gestures made towards mobilizing a moral and ethical ecological citizenry charged with the responsibility of saving the ‘disappearing islands’ are too simplistic and more difficult to achieve than imagined. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Globalization has led to a redefinition of the functions and roles of the state. Based on data drawn from a cross-national social survey, this article examines the influences of globalization on the public's attitudes towards their state in Australia, China, India, Japan, Russia, and the United States, by focusing on satisfaction with government performance and demands on the government. The six countries differ extensively in their sociopolitical and technological situations, as well as in the experiences of their people with globalization in terms of the following aspects: connectivity with the world through personal ties and digital means, English language capacity, and support for the forces of globalization. There are also huge disparities in the public rankings of government performance and demands for expanding government spending in a wide range of policy areas. Our analysis reveals that, although both intra- and inter-country variations in the influences of globalization on public attitudes towards the state are not particularly prominent, those who support globalization not only are more inclined than others to be satisfied with the government's performance, but also demand more government intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore and Hong Kong are vying to be the principal educational hub for the Asia-Pacific region and have begun to compete with Australia, Britain, Canada and the USA in providing cross-border education. Although these four Anglo-American countries still dominate cross-border education, Singapore and Hong Kong hope to make inroads into this export market and compete on the global stage. To create "world-class" universities, Singapore and Hong Kong have introduced quality assurance mechanisms, diversified funding sources, and restructured their university governance systems. This article compares the accountability measures introduced into Hong Kong and Singapore universities, and the responses of academics and administrators to these measures. The results indicate that both countries introduced greater autonomy as they augmented accountability for their universities, and the term "decentralised centralism" describes the kind of government control exerted in these Asian universities in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]