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In spite of the fact that historical issues are challenges of political education, Japanese educational studies have not been able to properly deal with them. One of the reasons is that Japanese educational researchers have accepted without question the presence of nationalistic understanding of history as the most important cause of the difficulties in East Asia, while supporting textbook lawsuits over the last few decades. On this point, it is unreasonable to compare Japan with Germany which is more progressive in terms of overcoming its past, and to conclude that the undemocratic nature of the Japanese culture has bred such a social situation. Austria, which is deemed to be culturally closer to Germany than Japan, has likewise experienced history problems repeatedly since the 1980s. What this suggests is that the degree of progress made in efforts to critically examine history is dependent on the country's international environment rather than on its own culture. This understanding corresponds with a recognition that has gained increasing acceptance over recent years, which is that Japan is not necessarily the sole party at fault in these historical conflicts in East Asia. Needless to say, this does not release the Japanese and Japanese educational research from their special responsibility to deal with these issues. What is demanded of Japanese educational research today is to reveal what sort of axis of conflicts has been formed over the understanding of history in each of the post-war East Asian countries, and how they interact with each other across national borders. By seriously addressing this task, Japanese educational research will be able to construct a new research field that can respond to the expectations of peoples beyond East Asia who either already have faced or may face similar problems in the future. (Contains 9 notes.)

The English language is significant to the internationalisation of higher education worldwide. Countries in Asia are proactive in appropriating English for their national interests, while paying attention to associated national cultural identity issues. This article examines the ways in which the role of English is interpreted and justified in different countries in Asia, with a particular focus on Japan, as these nations attempt to internationalise their higher education within the broader processes of regionalisation and globalisation and their own nationalist discourse. Through critical analyses and discussions of Japan's two major government initiatives, the Action Plan 2003 to "Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities" and the "Global 30" Project 2008, the article investigates how cultural national identities are shaped, are altered and are put "at risk" in policies and practices for the internationalisation of higher education and the overemphasis on English. It argues for the importance of understanding the intersections of English language policy, the internationalisation of higher education and national cultural identity and also considers how the over-promotion of English in the case of Japan has been energetically driven by the nation building agenda that tends to undermine local languages and what this might mean for internationalisation.

After 60 years maintaining Self-Defense Forces rather than a normal military, Japan is moving towards exercising collective self-defence, long restricted by interpretations of its 1945 Peace Constitution. The merits of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's 'proactive pacifism' are intensely debated by those welcoming greater international contributions from Japan and others suspicious of Japanese 'remilitarisation'. A nation's defence posture can theoretically be hijacked by aggressive nationalists, shift to pacifist isolationism, or rely on non-military internationalism or multilateral security cooperation. This article assesses competing explanations about the post-war trajectory of Japan's defence posture by charting variation in military doctrine and capabilities. The analysis finds that Tokyo has made incremental policy adjustments under domestic and international constraints, and is not aggressively remilitarising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia and Japan have come to rely on each other for their economic security. However, they both share a worrisome distancing from their Asian neighbours. For a variety of reasons—some similar, some dissimilar, but all of them potent—they remain outsiders in the Asia-Pacific region. They are often perceived as states that relate awkwardly, sometimes counterproductively within the region: with each other, and with other regional contenders and would-be partners. This is evident in the suspicious pragmatism with which a rising China, for example, treats both Japan and Australia—for different reasons but with almost identical consequences. The causes of this alienation from mainstream Asia lie first in Australia's clinging to its British past and its dependence on its alliance with the Unites States. Secondly, Japan's failure to face up to its record of militarism during the Pacific War seriously constrains its relations with countries in the region—all of whom suffered from the crazy Japanese ambition to create a `Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere'. And Japan's reliance on the US security umbrella aggravates its isolation. Australia and Japan need to work together to help overcome their respective though similar forms of estrangement within the Asia-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents information about the political and ideological movement called Asianism, which was reportedly popular in Japan during the first part of the 1920s. Special attention is given to the impact of Chinese, European, and US. notions of Asianism on Japanese political discussion. Descriptions are given of developments in Japanese perspectives on Asian unity from before World War I to 1926. It is noted that Asianism came to be regarded as a viable alternative or complement to other political doctrines popular in Japan in the early 20th century, including nationalism, internationalism, and imperialism.

While the origins of nationalism are sought in global historical trends, few analysts have shown how nations themselves are constituted and re-shaped by circulating global power, ideas and models. The view from East Asia shows that these circulations are mediated by regional developments and interactions which bind these nations together in rivalry and interdependence. The histories of China, Japan and Korea have been closely tied together since the end of the nineteenth century and, with a gap of about thirty years during the Cold War, have intensified once again. The global and regional constitution of nations produces a dialectic between its global form and aspirations and misrecognition of this constitution arising from the self-perception of nationalism as historically immanent. This tension between the global constitution and national misrecognition contributes to the tenacity of nationalism. It also allows us to get a better grasp of the relationship between historical change and structure in nationalism and the relationship between state and popular nationalisms in the countries of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author describes and analyzes the transformation of Japan, from the perspective of Asia Pacific historical configuration and the international relations theory. The transformation of Japan goes from a country subordinated to the Chinese and European empires, to a modern nation, a military and economical powerful country in the economics and geopolitics of XIX and XX century settings, particularly in the 1900-1980 period. The article describes the way in which the transformation took place, as well as the human, nature, technological and financial costs that Japan had to paid in arriving where it is now. However, these costs were not just for Japan, but for most of the countries of the Asia Pacific region. In this transition from subordinated to imperial country, from the end of the XIX century and at the beginning of the XX, to a modern country, in the second half of the XX century, Japan waged wars against its neighbor countries, like China and Russia, as well as invasions to other countries and territories, and participated in two World Wars. Finally, the article concludes that some elements such as Japan's importance in Asia Pacific region, its international policy, its imperial voracity, its new American subordination since the middle of the XX century and its new international linking strategy through economic cooperation agreements, were the prelude of a new stage in Japanese historical construction into the XXI century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights on the 2000 Inter-Asia cultural studies conference statement. Goals of the conference; Theme of the conference; Discussion of issues on colonialism, imperialism and nationalism; Elaboration on the subjects which affects the societies.