Search

Copyright of Cuestiones de Sociologia: Revista de Estudios Sociales is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How are populist movements articulated in place, and what political tensions can arise when they mobilize across scales? Despite the historical significance of particular places for populist movements (e.g., countryside or city), much populist scholarship remains trapped in a national lens, and geographical analyses are only starting to take seriously place-based articulations. Drawing on Gillian Hart's Gramscian approach, we understand articulation as a dual process of cojoining and resignifying that unfolds through geographically situated practices and language. We extend this by paying attention to actors of populist mobilization, political parties, and social movements, examining their articulation of political subjectivities and antagonisms through place-based contexts, thus providing an analytical framework for studying populism. Considering the national-popular movement of Kirchnerism, our analysis unfolds through a relational comparison of two contrasting places in Argentina—its wealthy capital city and the impoverished province of Jujuy—moving dialectically across different scales, considering contradictions between local and national mobilizations of Kircherism while also contextualizing these in regional and global process. In so doing, we demonstrate that a geographically sensitive analysis of populist conjunctures provides insights into the success and failures of national popular movements. Specifically, place-based movements face dilemmas between gaining support and autonomy from national counterparts, whereas national popular movements both depend on and are threatened by local populist success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to analyze the social and political polarization in recent Argentina started by 2008 during an intense conflict between agrarian business associations and the national government led by Cristina Fernandez. It is supposed that the dispute between these actors produced a new political position-takings within the people, changes in their electoral behaviors as well as in the political parties. During this confrontation, that paralyzed the country for almost five months, two poles with opposite meaning and symbols were configured. One of them mainly represented by the government, the other by a wideopposing sector. Based on this characterization, this article tries to describe and understand how this conflict produced significant social mobilization, fostered new cultural frames to decode politics, and polarized the political field. To accomplish this objective, first, the basic dimensions and bases of the struggle will be highlighted. Then, the paper will focus on the scalating process, paying attention to the interaction between the principal actors and the increasing people's involvement, taking to the organization of two binary poles with different narratives. Finally, the de-scalating process will be examined in the light of the "Ley de Retenciones y Creación del Fondo de Redistribución Social" passed by the National Legislature. The paper is based on different second-hand sources -as national newspapers, mass media, and presidential speeches. A corpus of 450 pieces of news was mobilized to reconstruct the main keys to the conflict. From that write sources to maked a corpus of 450 notes in which to work for making the principal conflicts keys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cultura Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Catolica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Comparative Politics is the property of Journal of Comparative Politics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Cambiemos triumph at the end of 2015 in Argentina, usually illustrates the decline of the Latin American progressive's cycle that characterized the region in the last decade. In this scenario, the article proposes to reconstruct the "matrix of meaning" (according to Pêcheux) that was deployed as a discursive strategy by means of which the presidential candidate Macri was positioned in this political-electoral arena in front of Kirchnerism. It is argued that such a discursive strategy was based on a paradoxically depoliticizing political use of the electorate's emotions, particularly the promise of happiness and joy, conceived as resulting from the deliberate avoidance of conflict and the exercise of critical thinking. For this, a socio-semiotic analysis of the campaign slogan "Revolution of joy" is developed, as well as the political exploitation of the crack's figure. The corpus is made up of various materials produced between 2009 and 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze a particular policy of conditional transfer of income: Universal Assignment for Child for Social Protection (UCASP), implemented in Argentina in 2009 by the then President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, through the Decree of Need and Urgency N.º 1602/09, as a non-contributory subsystem within the Family Allowances Regime instituted by Law N.º 24,714 and under the jurisdiction of the National Social Security Administration (ANSES). The study, methodologically based on the documentary analysis, is structured around a series of axes that are essential to examine the AUHPS, among them: the regional antecedents, the context prior to its emergence, the normative juridical aspects that support it, the subjects of law, the considerations and debates of feminism and the pejorative view of the most reactionary conservative sectors that demonstrate against this type of social policy that tends to equate in rights to the sons and daughters of formal workers both with those of informal workers as with those of those who are circumstantially unemployed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Roteiro is the property of Roteiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the political economy of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Argentina during the reign of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez. Among other things, it contemplates possible links between Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) volumes and Argentina's domestic and foreign policies. It also analyses a mixture of successful and unsuccessful Chinese investment cases in the agricultural, chemical, and banking sectors in order to engage the debate about the drivers of Chinese OFDI (COFDI), with some stressing business and economic factors and others emphasizing the primacy of political factors. In regards to the former, my study shows that Argentine policymakers did not offer special accommodations to Chinese investors despite the pro-China proclivities of Argentine leaders and their country's economic and political need for China. Moreover, at the local level, Argentine politics actually proved to be an obstacle to successful Chinese deals. As for the latter issue, Chinese companies were not inclined to invest in Argentina because of the China stance of the Argentine government, but rather because they saw opportunities to exploit fertile agricultural soil, special tax regimes for investors, and opportunities to integrate into global value chain. My findings have a number of important theoretical and policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article arises from certain questions about the popular becoming of feminisms in Argentina. Drawing on the research interest about this process which has been understood as the successful construction of a "feminist people", we focus on what we consider to be the central conditions that made possible the popular becoming of feminism. Starting from recognizing the genealogy of activism in the country, we look at the singular relationship of feminisms with human rights activism. Later on, we focus on the effects of displacement and contamination resulting from the linkage between kirchnerism and the human rights movement, as a process of populist articulation that we understand affected decidedly - and not, voluntarily- political identifications within feminisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Kirchnerism as a populist political process. Using specific literature, it is possible to reconstruct the change in the political and social alliances of the government, marked by the conflict with the agricultural fraction of the bloc in power in 2008. This conflict caused a change in the emphasis on the political strategy of the government, which modified its discourse and alliances. On this basis, the article proposes a periodization of the process in two stages, changing from the populist rupture to a particularistic affirmation of the Kirchnerist identity. The article shows in detail the new features of the political order after 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analysed the connection between the emergence and consolidation of a postneoliberal political program and alliance - Kirchnerism - and penal policies in Argentina. Three key moments are identified in this recent period. After the experience of an intense punitive turn during the 1990s and early 2000s, Kirchnerist political alliances tried to deploy a progressive political discourse and agenda on penal issues. Nevertheless, this initially coincided with a strong wave of penal populism 'from below' that continued the precedent trend towards increasing punitiviness. Since 2005, and for a brief moment, this tendency stopped. However, after that and during the presidencies of Fernandez de Kirchner a more volatile and contradictory scenario was generated. The incarceration rate between 2002 and 2014 in Argentina grew substantially as did the rate of convictions. Meanwhile the percentage of suspended sentences as part of the total convictions and the percentage of custodial sanctions both fell. Especially in relation to incarceration, these levels of change are not as stark as those of the preceding decades. However, the trends persist. Therefore, the question of how to transcend the dynamics of the punitive turn remains a pending and urgent political subject. The article argues the importance of analysing why a punitive turn is interrupted and presents an explanation of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role of trade union traditions in a salaried society (1945-1976) and their dialogue with new political-ideological matrices in the collective identities of precarious young organized workers during the Kirchners' presidential periods (2003-2015) is the anchor point of this article. We start from the assumption that the collective memory implies a reconstruction of the past in the light of the conditions of the present. In this sense, we study the recovery of these wage-earning traditions such as the national-popular and classist tradition and its articulation with the new autonomist matrix, in a social climate intersected by the growth of employment and the revitalization of trade unions where the State positions itself as a restorer of labor-bargaining institutions typical of the salaried society of the past. Our dimensions of analysis are the slogans, the tools for struggle and the forms of collective organization. We approach them in discursive terms, using as corpus of analysis the organizations' bulletins and flyers together with in-depth interviews to their referents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, Argentine foreign policy has been regarded as the domain of the executive, and a laudable expression of realism. Perspectives that include domestic variables as a source of foreign policy have only emerged relatively recently, and have only assumed importance in a redemocratised Argentina in the course of its recurrent economic and political crises in the late 20th and early 21st century. This dynamic was particularly marked during and after the crisis of 2001. As a result, Kirchnerist foreign policy was affected by a range of complex domestic factors. The aim of this article is to show how those factors drove the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner, without abandoning executive primacy, to prioritise a neodevelopmental economic model, and combine them with an autonomous foreign policy which they believed to be the only way to meet the social demands of those affected by the neoliberal crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dispute over sovereignty in the Falkland Islands (called Islas Malvinas in the Spanishspeaking world) between Argentina and Great Britain has lasted for nearly two hundred years. The archipelago has been a British territory since 1833, when the crew of HMS 'Clio' forcibly took over the islands, which had previously belonged to Argentina. The Argentine people have never accepted this loss and have since been trying to reclaim the territory, with no further effect. The aim of this paper is to analyse the role of the Falkland Islands dispute in Argentine domestic and foreign policy during the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015). The thesis of this paper is that the Falklands became a crucial factor in shaping Argentine policy during the Kirchner era, not only on the international level, but also within the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the transformation of the frames of political activists who come from autonomous social movements in Argentina and Spain. The cases of Kirchnerism in Argentina and Podemos and the local electoral coalitions in Spain, despite all their contextual and historical differences, follow the same pattern of politicisation. They took place within a general social tendency towards post-politics, understood as the reduction of politics to technical management, without questioning the existing capitalist order. In both cases, the model of politicisation starts within an exceptional political event: the social protests of 2001 in Argentina and the mobilisations of the 15M orindignadosin Spain in 2011. Drawing on participant observation and semi-structured interviews, the article examines how social actors re-adjust their frames by managing the contradictions between their previous autonomous logic of action and their new institutional roles, according to the changing economic and political context. It concludes that there has been a clear process of politicisation, materialised in the rise of new generations of political activists, but to some extent the post-political situation remains both in the exceptional political moment and in the electoral coalitions, as the core of the economic system remains unquestioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article considers 'kirchnerism' and evism to be popular identity movements which have attempted to provide answers to the open social dislocations since the crisis of December 2001 in Argentina, and the cycle of protests from 2000-2005 in Bolivia. The emergence of both of these identity constructions has involved at least three simultaneous processes. Firstly, the gradual incorporation of public decision-making on subjects and demands which were formerly ignored; secondly, political divisions within communities; and, finally, establishing a nation within the new institutional framework currently in force. As these processes developed, some points of approach and distancing between the case studies were noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decade in Latinamerica, governments with similar characteristics regarding to the impugnment of the neoliberal models of the ninentys had emerged. The argentinian case was not the exception and this was reflected in the recuperation of a national and popular political matrix as an interpretation and legitimation frame for the movilization process of the kirchnerists governments since 2003. Facing this scenario, the proposite of the present paper is to characterize the militancy of members of differents heteronomous kirchnerist organizations. Our main hypothesis is that is possible to identify a new generation of militants in the last few years that started to participate since 2010 and that their experience is different compared with militants that had been formerly involved in politics. For this subject, we will consider a cuantitive database developed from surveys that interview militants in two rallies that took place in Buenos Aires (March 24th and April 27th 2012) as a source. They were conducted in the context of "La movilización en el kirchnerismo (2003-2011)" investigation, devolped by "Colectivo de Estudios sobre Sociología Política" investigation group, in which we take part of, which is directed by Dra. Natalucci and is located in the "Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neo-populist governments in South America have undertaken policies that tend to combat mediatic corporations and democratize communication. Parting from an analysis of the Argentine case, this article seeks to shed light on how these policies have not yet had an effect on sub-national media systems. Taking into account the relationships communications enterprises maintain with local governments, we propose a classification of sub-national media systems into the following three categories: patrimonial, where governments control most of the local media; polarized, where governments face strong opposition from, but still have allies within, the media; and hybrids, which are located under larger jurisdictions and have specific characteristics tied to their political and economic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of 2012 President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was in its electoral heyday and could even envisage the possibility of a third term. However, the year finished with a huge protest and a general strike, along with a drop in people's appraisal of the government politics and the image of the President, and an opening struggle for presidential succession. What are the reasons of such a radical change in the political scene in only twelve months? The article reports on the short term leading events and the main institutional changes of the period. It also analyzes the performance of the executive and legislative branches, presents public opinion data and offers a final assessment on the functioning and the quality of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The troubled path of Argentine democracy resumed its normal course in 2003 after the elections that brought Néstor Kirchner to the Presidency of the nation. While Kirchner garnered less than twenty-five percent of the vote, four years later, his wife Cristina Kirchner won the presidential election with a strong electoral support, doubling the figures achieved in 2003. What led the electorate to support both presidents in each election? Did the political and socio-economic context influence the reasons for voting? What was the weight of the retrospective voting in both elections? Data from opinion polls that have been analyzed using logistic regression and the calculation of predicted probabilities indicate that the retrospective vote was stronger in 2007, year in which the electoral offer was more stable, elections were concurrent, and was raised as a scenario of presidential pseudo-reelection. The persistent alliance between the low working class with the "justicialistas" candidates was confirmed once again and proved higher in 2003, when unemployment hit the lower classes the hardest. At the same time, ideology does not explain the support for Cristina Kirchner, while support for Néstor Kirchner rose as voters moved rightward in the ideological scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nestor Kirchner, the ex Argentinean President, developed a unique and new way of relating with the press, totally divergent from the method that previous democratic governments used to have. Through the analysis of Kirchner' speeches, this article will illustrate in which way the president aimed to weaken the media, removing them from their position as the "forth power" and "objective mediators" between the government and the citizens. Those transformations are due to the conditions in which he developed a specific type of leadership. Those changes, also, had consequences in the political representation and in the current characteristics of the democratic system in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The presidencial discourse has regained interest since the current theory of populism, and in Agentina specially from discursive interpellation of its main leaders in last years, Néstor Kirchner y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. This work examines discoursive interpellation of both leaders emphasizing the narrative dimension of discourse. Kirchnerismo as political subject proposes a new meaning of traditional elements of the national and popular (and peronism in particular), by the promotion of an "historic citizenship" for argentines and the articulation of a political history along a path marked by institutional disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]