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This article offers a nuanced understanding of novelist Yoram Kaniuk's national ideology as a representative of a generation, as well as unveils personal, untreated trauma as reflected in his writing. By way of doing so, it employs two research approaches: a literary speculative fiction interpretation examined through a lens of alternative history, and a cultural sociology perspective based on the concepts of 'Imagined Communities' and 'Liquid Modernity'. On a broader level, his novel Scums portrays the deep disillusionment and disappointment experienced by veterans of Israel's founding generation, who felt abandoned by their successors and betrayed by their values. On a personal level, Kaniuk's writing reflects military flashbacks that significantly impacted his post-traumatic state of mind, which in turn influenced the way he perceived, described, and interpreted the historical fragments of his generation. Considering Kaniuk's discomfort in discussing issues that deeply concerned him, he found solace and liberation through the medium of writing, which enabled him to express his thoughts and emotions, shouting them onto the page, unburdening himself, and making sense of his experiences. Thus, by writing in an unapologetic and candid manner, Kaniuk navigated the complexities of his inner world and external challenges, embracing his own truth and carving out a place for himself to be heard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to assess the way annual highschool field trips in Israel's State educational system is used to inculcate national narratives. Based on copious data, it shows that knowing and loving the Land of Israel (Eretz Israel) are significant motifs that recur with high intensity in all school field trip programmememes. Concurrently, however, in view of the high frequency of national motives in these trips, integrating the national aspect has apparently become a codeword for the 'right way' to plan out and carry out field trips. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adaptation to modernity generated among the Jews different amalgamations between European and Jewish concepts and brought about diverse and often opposed ideological trends and movements. One was Zionism, built on a concoction between Jewish tenets such as Shivat-Zion (Return-to-Zion) and European nationalism and secularisation. The result, Jewish statehood, failed to eradicate or diminish the tensions between non-Jews and Jews with the old Jew-hatred now transferred to Israel. This article examines the ideological background of the Zionist idea and the interaction among its components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for a common memory creates a link between personal stories and the shared values of the nation's citizens. Flamm's story reflects an attempt to create such a link. In 1943, a group of hikers in the Galilee came upon an Arab who attempted to rob them at gunpoint. Joseph Flamm, the group's guide and an amateur wrestler, fought the Arab, subdued him and killed him. A different version of the story of this incident came up every few years. Joseph Flamm, the story's hero, played a major role in the attempt to paint the incident in nationalistic colours. His own involvement in publicizing and shaping the story enables us to examine the encounter between a personal attempt to enter the national collective memory and the political use that was made of the story. This article discusses the attempt to turn this criminal event into a national heroic event in the context of the Arab Israeli conflict. The later versions presented it as a tangible expression of national myths, among them scouting and knowledge of Israel's geography, physical heroism and defending the homeland. The last version of the story was published in the 1970s, a period that signalled a change in the Zionist ethos. The Israeli public no longer showed interest in heroic stories such as Flamm's. Therefore, despite attempts to revive the story and efforts to affix it in the collective memory, it eventually disappeared from the public eye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bible's central position in the Zionist movement is well-known. Most previous studies on this topic have focused on Israeli society following the establishment of the State of Israel. By contrast, this article focuses on the role of the Hebrew Bible in Jewish nationalism and early Zionist thought from the 1880s to 1948. This article examines the connection between Zionism and the Bible in the context of modern nationalism research from a cultural approach. The focus on the Bible gave Zionism the components it lacked: territory and language. Unlike other ancient Jewish texts in which national aspects were marginalized, the Bible set a model for the creation of a modern nation-state. To the Zionists, the Bible was a guide to forming the 'New Jew'. This article shows that examining the relationship between Zionism and the Bible enables better understanding of the pre-modern cultural foundations of the Jewish national movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Jewish 'East' and its Restricted Agencies" is an article that examines the historical relationship between Jews and Muslims in Israel and the MENA region. It challenges the simplistic portrayal of Israel as a Western oppressor and Islamic entities as oppressed Easterners, arguing that this oversimplifies the complex dynamics at play. The article also discusses the treatment of Mizrahi Jews in Israel and their integration into a predominantly European-oriented Zionist society. It emphasizes the need to reclaim Jewish agencies and challenges the perception of Israel as a white-Ashkenazi presence in the Middle East. The article calls for a more nuanced exploration of Jewish history in Islamic contexts to give voice to Mizrahi Jewish experiences. [Extracted from the article]

The article narrates the history of the Yiddish press and its role in the development of South African Jewish community and its political institutions from 1890 to 1914. Topics discussed include international networks as the focus of the approach of the Yiddish press to immigration historiography, Yiddish as metonym for Jewish rights, Zionist orientation of the Yiddish press, Jewish nationalism, libels and limits of Yiddish influence, and Yiddish press in a colonial British world.

"The Jewish 'East' and its Restricted Agencies" is an article that examines the historical relationship between Jews and Muslims in Israel and the MENA region. It challenges the simplistic portrayal of Israel as a Western oppressor and Islamic entities as oppressed Easterners, arguing that this oversimplifies the complex dynamics at play. The article also discusses the treatment of Mizrahi Jews in Israel and their integration into a predominantly European-oriented Zionist society. It emphasizes the need to reclaim Jewish agencies and challenges the perception of Israel as a white-Ashkenazi presence in the Middle East. The article calls for a more nuanced exploration of Jewish history in Islamic contexts to give voice to Mizrahi Jewish experiences. [Extracted from the article]

Nakba denialism – that is, denying Zionist culpability for the mass expulsions of Palestinian Arabs from their homeland in 1948 – has long been a feature of US discourse on Palestine. Through a content analysis of Leon Uris' 1958 novel, Exodus, I argue that Nakba denialism rests on three anti-Arab racist tropes. The first trope presents Palestinian Arabs as lacking religious attachment to Palestine, the second trope claims they lack modern feelings of national identity, and the third trope claims they are easily induced to commit acts of violence by their ruthless leaders. Through the deployment of these tropes, the Exodus narrative popularized key elements of Nakba denialism in US discourse by blaming the victims of settler colonial violence for the expulsions they faced. More broadly, this article shows how the imbrication of race and settler colonialism functions to epistemologically erase the very acts of settler colonial violence that produce racialized Others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contends that the Zionist policies implemented by Israel had and continue to have a grave impact not only on the Palestinians in historic Palestine alone but also follows them in the diaspora, where some Palestinians have taken refuge. This article argues that Israel's apartheid regime, exposed by various international Human Rights Organizations, is not a recent discovery. Apartheid, the exclusion of the natives, and their racialization have accompanied the Zionist movement since its inception. Crucial questions raised in this paper include how Palestine and the Palestinians are conceived by Zionism, in and outside of Israel, and how they are perceived by the West, especially within the Canadian context. This paper pays special attention to comparing the experience of Palestinians with that of North America's Indigenous population, specifically concerning Israel's and Canada's colonial policies towards the Indigenous peoples. It also discusses the impact of Israel's policies of silencing and vilification that doggedly follow Palestinians into the diaspora: vilifications and silencing enacted by the Israel lobby through its various Zionist (Jewish) branches, whose primary role is to silence and vilify the Palestinians and curb criticism of Israel and Zionism. This policy, it is argued, is strongly supported by Canada, structurally, institutionally and through media propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reexamines Rabbi Abraham Isaac HaCohen Kook's (1865–1935) approach to Zionism, by proposing a reading of Kook's Zionism through the lens of the Lebensphilosophie (The Philosophy of Life) of the French philosopher Henri Bergson (1859–1941). I show that we can clarify Kook's view of freedom, the self and creativity and its essential connection to Zionism, therefore, proposing a new understanding of the meaning that Jewish nationalism assumes in Kook's thought, thanks to the application of the model of freedom and creativity developed by Bergson to Kook's writings. Especially for Kook, I show that Jewish nationalism is seen as a means for the Jewish People to return to their true self and through this connection attain true freedom. Only when a nation realizes its freedom by a return to its own original self, it can be creative. This is how I explain the connection that Kook draws between a return to the Land of Israel and the ability of Israel as a people to finally be able to be creative. Finally, I argue that this understanding of nationalism adds a new layer to the essential place that the territory assumes in Kook's thought. A State of Israel outside its original land can attain the goal of autonomous self-governance but lacks the ability to inspire the reconnection of the nation to its own original self. The Jewish People as a collective cannot connect to their authentic self away from the Land of Israel, consequently, the Land of Israel is the only place in which they can be truly free. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many observers argue that in its very beginning, Zionism was an instance of wrongful settler colonialism. Are they right? I will address this question by examining the vision of Egalitarian Zionism in light of various theories of the wrongfulness of colonialism. I will argue that no theory decisively supports a positive answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaul Magid's Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (2021) has the potential to urge American and Israeli Jews to "own" Meir Kahane and hold him up as a mirror reflecting the toxic and tragic dimensions of modern Jewish history. Such a look in the mirror can only happen once Jews see Palestinian suffering as central to the building of the state of Israel and also how they are complicit and implicated in such suffering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The journal Der Yid was the first Yiddish periodical officially tied to a Zionist body. This article follows the shared genealogy of early Zionism and diasporic nationalism as expressed in Der Yid, and offers a revision to common notions on Yiddish cultural and political revival around the turn of the twentieth century. In contrast with a tendency to highlight a sharp divide between these movements, this article emphasizes the points of intimacy and convergence between the ostensibly opposing ideological and lingual choices of Hebraism-Zionism and Yiddishism-diasporism. More specifically, it analyses a controversy between Yiddishists and Hebraists, particularly Ahad Ha'am, generated by the very title of the journal during its first year of publication: Who is Der Yid – the Jew? Who is the ultimate imagined national readership and national collective of a Yiddish-language journal? By probing the populist, sentimentalist discourse that the journal produced, this article argues for a renewed evaluation of the presumably dichotomous constructions of Hebrew versus Yiddish, or Zionism versus diasporic nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, the Knesset of Israel, led by its right-wing coalition, adopted the Nation-State Law, which affirmed that the State of Israel is the "nation-state of the Jewish people" and only the Jewish people. Many have contrasted this law with Israel's 1948 Declaration of Independence, which promised "complete equality of social and political rights" to all citizens, "irrespective of religion, race, or sex," and expressed a commitment to the moral teachings of the biblical prophets. The Declaration was written by socialists and rabbis, while the Nation-State Law was written by right-wing nationalists. The Declaration focused on three prophetic values: freedom, justice, and peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barukh Mitrani was an Ottoman maskil who wandered between the Balkans, Istanbul and Palestine. While living in Edirne, Mitrani established his first periodical, Carmi (Pressburg 1881). Carmi 's issues were an ongoing maskilic sermon, drawing on a deep acquaintance with the Jewish bookshelf. This paper examines selections from the fifth article in Carmi , 'Our Nationhood.' Influenced by the moderate Haskalah, Mitrani idealized a 'Golden Mean,' which sought to balance the agendas of 'the two poles': insular Ultra-Orthodox Jews on the one hand, and secularized 'Westernizers' on the other. Mitrani also espoused a Jewish nationalism which had affinities with the Hebrew 'republic of letters' and the national resurgence in the Balkans. He perceived every Jew as part of three circles: the individual, the family, and the nation. Yet his nationalism was not separatist; he obliged Jews to remain loyal Ottoman citizens and promote the Sultanate while also settling in Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The term "a light unto the nations" is a hallmark of modern Jewish identity but the subtle divergences in the meaning of the expression among its diverse proponents shed light on the continuities and differences among modern Jewish ideologies. David Ben-Gurion, in particular, regarded the calling to be "a light unto the nations" as a central mission of the State of Israel. Before the 1950s, however, almost all Zionists, including Ben-Gurion himself, repudiated the term because they associated it with diasporist ideology. This article explores its shifting meanings in Zionist discourse, with a special focus on Ben-Gurion's rhetoric. It explains Ben-Gurion's changing attitudes term and shows how his innovative uses of the term allowed him to navigate between modernity and traditional Judaism, between Zionism and its opponents, and between the various streams within the Zionist movement. It reminds us that the lexical continuity of figurative terms can mask conceptual fluctuation and enhances a picture of Zionism that acknowledges both its revolutionary novelty and its place in the long continuum of Jewish life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on passage of the Israeli Nation-State Law and the actions of current U.S. President Donald Trump will deeply impact the Palestinians and Palestinian refugees. It mentions impact of Israel's Nation State law in conjunction with the growth of Israeli nationalism as well as address some, possible consequences, and steps to minimize these negative effects. It also mentions most influential movement in the creation of Israel was Zionism.

The end of the First World War brought both a nationalist transformation of political space and discourse in East-Central Europe, as well as a revolutionary wave, originating in Russia, that radically challenged the existing order. The article analysis how Jewish-national activists saw these developments as opportunities and challenges and aimed to become part in the shaping of a new world. Concentrating primarily on the discussions and political practices of the socialist-Zionist Poale Zion movement, it intends to expand the discussion over the supposed triumph of nationalism in the context of the 'Wilsonian moment' at the end of the First World War, asking in what form the communist promise of universal freedom represented a viable alternative. As the British Balfour Declaration lead to a supposed awakening of Palestine-oriented feelings of national belonging, the revolution represented a counter-proposal for emancipation in Central and Eastern Europe in the experience of many activists. The article follows a number of Jewish revolutionary activists looking at how their framework of political practices determined how they perceived the dual promises of national and social liberation and what consequences they drew from this. Where circumstances allowed a close cooperation between them and the wider labour movement – both in respect to revolutionary policies and defence against anti-Jewish violence – activists tended to progressively reject concepts of national unity and perceived the fate of the Jewish working class to be bound to that of the communist movement; a number of them subsequently began rejecting concepts of national belonging and national politics. The article analyzes at how this process was understood and discussed by both the radicals and their opponents, who often interpreted this revolutionary activism as a rejection of the nation as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of Zionism in the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Topics covered include the reasons why Palestinians have always referred to Israel as the Zionist entity or enemy, the use of Zionism as an excuse for anti-Semitism to flourish in places that profess to abhor prejudice, and how Zionism has inserted an element of Chosen-ness into the alchemy of Jewish democracy.

In this article the author, writer of the book "Rooted Cosmopolitans: Jews and Human Rights in the Twentieth Century," reflects upon Human Rights as they relate to Israel and Jewish history. Additional topics discussed include his gratitude towards the journal for reviewing and interpreting his book and insights on Zionism and Jewish nationalism.

The present article investigates the visual elements of the illustrated youth quarterly L'Illustration Juive, which was published in Alexandria between 1929 and 1931 in French and Hebrew. The analysis sets out to expose the ideologies and worldviews informing the publication's editorial board, as well as the conscious or unconscious message that the quarterly tried to communicate to its young readership. The article explores more than 300 photographs and reproductions that featured in twelve issues published over the journal's three years of existence. Analysis of the visual elements in this article shows that the quarterly featured many photographs of holy sites in the Land of Israel, as well as reproductions of artworks that reflected the religious Jewish way of life in the diaspora and Israel, including the Jewish calendar and Jewish life cycle. These works hold the Old Testament as a key book for Judaism, as well as for Jewish nationalism. Clearly evident in the visual elements, as in the overall visual messages of the quarterly, is the harmony struck between Jewish nationality, Zionism, and a religious Jewish cultural—or diasporic—world. It was this harmonious view that editor Rabbi David Prato sought to convey, upholding as he did a religious nationalist Jewish future, which he defined in the newspaper as a double tendance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the growth of Israeli religious nationalism in the 21st century. Topics covered include the implication of the transformation of Israeli society for the country's character and the relationships between the elements of the National Religious Camp, Zionism and Judaism. The rising influence of the National Religious worldview on a larger proportion of Jewish citizens is discussed.

The article explores the relationship between the Zionist movement and the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Israel expelled a large portion of its Arab population following the war. Also discussed are the gap between the Zionist vision and its realization and the gap between national and ethical views that run through Israeli identity.

This paper examines the concept of 'land‐centred' nationalism and suggests that it is important for distinguishing among different types of nationalism and for better understanding the role of land and place in this ideology. In order to demonstrate what land‐centred nationalism actually means, the article examines Zionism as a case study, arguing that some of the leading, early intellectual schools of this national movement (cultural, socialist, and religious Zionism) tended to underscore the role of the Land of Israel in collective identity rather than the role of the political community. Despite many differences in their general outlook, these schools all celebrated the land's spiritual role while neglecting or even opposing the idea of a Jewish state. This devaluation of the bond among citizens in favour of the bond of a people with their ancient land contributed to Zionism's contemporary difficulties and manifests the dangers of land‐centred nationalism more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The claim that Zionism is fundamentally or intrinsically morally compromised is unfortunately more commonly articulated and expressed than it deserves to be. While there are certainly good reasons to be critical of Israeli governmental policy (both now and in the past), those who question the very right of a Jewish state to exist on land approximating the current territory of Israel without extrapolating this principle to other cases are being philosophically disingenuous. While I concede that it is perfectly reasonable to object to the creation and maintenance of a Jewish state on the basis of either its exclusionary character or its problematic history, I suggest that such arguments should equally apply to virtually every other nation‐state. Thus, while anti‐Zionism is not necessarily a morally illegitimate claim, unless its claims are paired with a more radical rejection of the nation‐state tout court, it should be considered as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about Jewish politics. It highlights the victory of the Likud party, the political incarnation of the Revisionist Zionist movement founded in 1925 and is under the leadership of Menachem Begin, in the Israeli elections of May 1977 as well as the exclamation of mahapakh, or political upheaval expressed astonishment as well as anticipation of dramatic change in the political system of Israel.

The article offers information about Jewish revolutions, highlighting the year 1897 as the turning point in the history of both Jewish nationalism and radicalism. Other key topics bbeingpresented include the twin Jewish revolutions, such as a revolution embodied in the Zionist Organization, which held its first congress, and the other was promoted by the General Jewish Labor Bund in Russia and Poland.

The article offers information about Jewish people, featuring publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 marked the beginnings of Zionism as a political project authorized by a major world power and could delineate the starting point of Zionism as a political movement in the eyes of Palestinian Arab observers. Information on the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine as well as Great Britain’s obligation to facilitate Jewish immigration is presented.

Based on Zygmunt Bauman's understanding of Allosemitism, this article introduces the concept of Allozionism, a form of exceptionalism which assumes that Zionism and the State of Israel are fundamentally different from all other nationalist movements and nation-states. Instead of tracing exceptionalist claims about the Zionist project back to its attributes or the politics of affinity and resentment, this approach investigates the epistemic function of Allozionism, understood here as Allosemitism in postcolonial times: While European Allosemitism projected its anxieties about the problematic distinction between believer/non-believer and nation/non-nation on the Jewish people, global Allozionism projects its ambivalences about the indigenous/colonial distinction on the Zionist project as a puzzling case of colonization in the name of indigeneity. In order to overcome Allozionist exceptionalism, de-exceptionalizing the Zionist project implies the recognition of its cultural and political ambivalence, including colonial, anti-colonial, and post-colonial elements-both before and after 1967. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attitude towards Jewish nationalism, one of the most prominent criticisms of the Turkish right politics, was conveyed by Necmettin Erbakan to the most comprehensive form at the political level. This attitude, covering all of Necmettin Erbakan's political thoughts, has the certainty that the effects of Jewish nationalism are completely removed from the political and societal aspects, reaching the "national" dimension. In describing Erbakan's ideological point of view in the intellectual world, contrary to Erbakan's sharpness, there is a complete uncertainty and Erbakan, who is regarded as anti-Semitic by some, is anti-Zionist for others. The aim of this study is to contextually resolve the attitude of Necmettin Erbakan against Jewish nationalism and to put his name in this attitude. The main debate about working in this context is to question Erbakan's rhetoric of Jewish nationalism on the anti-Semitic and / or anti-Zionist theoretical grounds. In the study, Erbakan's books and conference texts, which he used to study Jewish nationalism from 1969 to 2011, will be analyzed using discourse analysis method. In this way, Necmettin Erbakan will try to come out of the example and discuss how to treat Jewish nationalism as a political issue in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]