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As the First World War progressed, rates of typhoid diminished. This was heralded as a triumph of sanitary improvement and disease protection; yet as to how the British military achieved this remains a contentious issue. Objections arose around the danger of inoculation and the unpleasant and potentially deadly side effects. Between the unaffected and the sufferers of the vaccine's side effects are the unexplored stories of the refusers. Often bizarre, their accounts include stories of unsanctioned cajoling, arrests, suspension of privileges, and even physically forced inoculation. Soldiers could be encouraged, convinced, and, in rare cases, even forced to undergo inoculation. For others, the opportunity to refuse was often not made clear, as inoculation became part of routine military life. Despite the fact that soldiers were supposed to have complete autonomy over their own inoculation, the reality was often different. Penalties for noncompliance and a lack of clarification about soldiers' rights demonstrated that throughout the war a clash developed between individual autonomy and an authoritarian regime determined to ensure the health of its fighting force.

This paper examines the lives of sixty-one Canadian Nursing Sisters who served during the First World War, and whose deaths were attributed, more or less equally, to three categories: general illness, Spanish Influenza, and killed in action. The response by Canadian Army Medical Corps (CAMC) physicians to the loss of these early female officers who were, in fact, Canada's first female war casualties, suggests a gendered construction of illness at work in the CAMC. While nurses tried to prove themselves good soldiers, military physicians were quick to attribute their illnesses and deaths to horrific war conditions deemed unsuitable for women. This gendered response is particularly evident in how CAMC physicians invoked a causal role for neurasthenia or shell shock for the nurses' poor health. The health profile of these women also suggests that some of these deaths might have occurred had these women stayed in Canada, and it encourages future comparative research into death rates among physicians and orderlies.

Scholarly and testimonial evidence from Armenian, English, French, German, and Turkish sources document the gendered ways by which the Ottoman Empire utilized mandatory military service — conscription — as a tool to carry out genocide during the First World War. Recruitment and deployment policies empowered Ottoman conscripts to commit crimes while simultaneously authorizing the capture and destruction of Armenian men and boys. Given the obfuscations that arose amid the war’s normalized carnage, it is crucial to note that the intent to destroy and the method of capture that Ottoman perpetrators used existed prior to the demise of their targets. Due to the empire’s gendered necropolitical exploitation of Armenians, combined with the precedent of the draft as a way to raise armed forces, assemble forced labourers, and punish men deemed insubordinate to imperial leaders, the era’s mass loss of life continues to offer some observers a way to erroneously excuse and deny this case of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article synthesizes results from historical newspaper analysis and archival research with standpoint epistemology to explore the dynamics of transnational eyewitnessing illustrated by Leonora Raines, a Paris-based American journalist who reported the Great War (1914-1918) for the metropolitan New York Sun. Few World War I military-press histories have explored how female reporters engaged in transnational journalism, harnessing their role as an "outsider within" to produce cross-border stories for audiences dependent on foreign news. Analysis of Raines' 126 articles, her scrapbook, and records from U.S. and German archives reveal her interactions with foreign sources, military censors, and propaganda across France, the Western Front, and Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to the historiography of the First World War, scholarship on violence has focused on abstract and impersonal forms of violence between opposing forces or on more personal forms of violence between civilians and enemy combatants. In contrast, this article uses military justice archives to explore instances of serious interpersonal violence and sustained brutality between soldiers in the same combat unit. It provides a new vantage point to explore the complex entanglement of violence and camaraderie and how that played out in the specific context of France's multiethnic Armée d'Afrique. Unpacking the accusations, explanations, and justifications that emerge from multivocal military justice sources illustrates what it meant to commit and be criminalized for certain acts of violence in a context saturated with violence; how and where the line was drawn between acceptable and unacceptable conduct; and, most important, what violence reveals about individual combat experiences and relationships between comrades. Granting access to the perspectives and internal worlds of this diverse group of soldiers, many from racially and otherwise marginalized communities, military justice evidences a complicated and rich set of situational responses and social relationships that enhances our ability to reflect on the conflict's impact on the men caught up in it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rachilde's novel Le grand saigneur (1922) stands out from her other works in the 1920s and 1930s for its provocative portrayal of the French war veteran as a sadist who inflicts violence on those who do not conform to the codes of militarized, hegemonic masculinity. This article argues that the novel reflects the post-war years as a violent era for women and non-conforming men, shaped by the hateful discourses that emerged during the First World War. Rachilde writes about psychological and physical threats to women and non-conforming masculinity by delving into the violent fantasies nurtured by a larger-than-life, though well-recognizable, supporter of hegemonic masculinity against them. Drawing on an eclectic mix of literary genres, Rachilde depicts a society in which the impunity of men protected by their wealth and military status and the guilt bestowed upon (sometimes internalized by) women trivialize diverse forms of gender violence. Le grand saigneur belongs to the few 'romans anti-sentimentaux' Rachilde wrote during the interwar period. It is also an arresting attempt to write about gender violence through multiple subjectivities in order to explore the gendered, cultural, traumatic, and socio-economic factors that enabled it at this troubled historical juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous veterans have been celebrated for their achievements in the two world wars, adding needed texture to Canada's half-century at war. However, Indigenous peoples on the home front have remained periphery to the study of Indigenous peoples' experiences of the world wars, leaving veterans and military eligible men as the main protagonists in the story. Those individuals left on reserve experienced the conditions of war, the mobilization of the Canadian state for war, and the enlistment of Indigenous men into the army differently than enlisted men. Analyzing Indigenous petitioners' political advocacy during the First World War and the Second World War offers a more textured and complex representation of Indigenous peoples' experiences during the world wars. By negotiating their place within the settler Canadian state, while also clearly defining their sovereignty and distinct political cultures, Indigenous peoples remained active participants in the political arena during the period from 1914 to 1945. Rather than "awakening" politically on the return of veterans in response to broken promises, Indigenous peoples on the home front deployed and evolved existing political tools and strategies to articulate their responses to wartime policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the important role played by French geographer Emmanuel de Martonne in the process of drawing the western border of Romania, taking into account the separation between the Romanian and Hungarian ethnic units. The border was drawn following the Paris Peace Conference (1919-1920) and is still in place today. A good connoisseur of the Romanian status quo, which he researched in the field, Emmanuel de Martonne supported the union of Transylvania with the Kingdom of Romania in the geopolitical context of the First World War, as well as Romania's joining the War on the side of the Allies. Through his activity, but also through his friendship and devotion to Romania and to the Romanian people, Emmanuel de Martonne led the way to a long and fruitful cooperation between French and Romanian geographers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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THE FIRST WORLD WAR WAS, MOST LIKELY, THE FIRST GLOBALLY MEDIATED CONFLICT. IN FACT, TECHNICAL INNOVATIONS IN TEXT AND IMAGE PRINTING, ADVANCES IN PHOTOGRAPHY, AND COMMUNICATION AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES, MADE IT POSSIBLE TO FOLLOW THE MAIN POLITICAL AND MILITARY EVENTS. THUS, PROPAGANDA ACTIONS GAINED PROMINENCE, ESPECIALLY ON THE PART OF THE BELLIGERENT COUNTRIES, WHICH USED NEWSPAPERS TO CONVEY THEIR MESSAGES TO THE PUBLIC. IN THIS REGARD, PHOTOGRAPHS AND IMAGES SERVED AS VISUAL SUPPORT IN DISSEMINATING NEWS ABOUT THE EVERCHANGING BATTLEFRONTS, PROVIDING READERS WITH MAPS THAT DEPICTED THE FRONTLINES, TROOP ADVANCES AND RETREATS, AND CHANGES IN THE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THIS GLOBAL CONFLICT. IN THE CASE OF PORTUGAL, WE CAN HIGHLIGHT THE CONTRIBUTION OF O COMÉRCIO DO PORTO, A DAILY NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED IN THE CITY OF PORTO. SINCE THE BEGINNING OF THE CONFLICT, IT PROVIDED EXTENSIVE JOURNALISTIC COVERAGE, RICHLY ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS, AND, IN SPECIAL EDITIONS, PHOTOGRAPHIC REPORTS. IN ADDITION TO FULFILLING THEIR INFORMATIVE FUNCTION, THE MAPS IN THE PORTO NEWSPAPER - MOSTLY OF BRITISH ORIGIN - PLAYED A ROLE AS VEHICLES OF ALLIED PROPAGANDA, SPREADING A UNIQUE TYPE OF "SUGGESTIVE" AND "GEOPOLITICAL" CARTOGRAPHY AMONG THE PORTUGUESE PUBLIC. THIS KIND OF CARTOGRAPHY WOULD CONTINUE TO DEVELOP IN THE DECADES THAT FOLLOWED, UP TO THE END OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR. THEREFORE, IN THIS TEXT, WE WILL ANALYSE THE MAPS PUBLISHED IN THIS NEWSPAPER, PAYING ATTENTION TO THEIR TYPOLOGY AND RESPECTIVE PROPAGANDISTIC MESSAGES, SEEKING TO IDENTIFY SOME OF THE FOUNDATIONS OF PORTUGAL'S EMBRYONIC GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of SYMPOSIUM CULTURE@KULTUR is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prime Minister Robert Borden created the Wartime Elections Act in September 1917 – a move that granted temporary voting rights to women who had close relatives serving in the military. Their votes were positioned as key to winning the war because it was assumed that newly enfranchised wives and mothers would support Borden's controversial conscription plans to reinforce their husbands and sons at the front. Suffragists across the country were divided by the act's limited enfranchisement and its connection to conscription. This turmoil reached its pinnacle in Montreal, a city that was at the centre of nationalistic and ethnic strife caused by the war, and triggered rifts within the city's largest Anglophone women's organization, the Montreal Council of Women. One result of this tension was the impeachment trial of the council's long-time president, Dr Grace Ritchie-England, for her criticism of the Wartime Elections Act and conscription during the 1917 federal election. Calling attention to the resistance of and conflicts between middle-class club women who were normally viewed as hegemonically supportive of the war effort widens our understanding of women's disparate opinions and activism during the First World War and the fragile nature of suffragists" political unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The First World War inflicted suffering upon hundreds of thousands of Canadian families between 1914 and 1918. In response, the state modernized its pension system to partially alleviate the postwar suffering of these families, reflecting the changing role of government in the lives of Canadians. To receive a pension after the war, Canadian veterans and dependants had to prove their postwar suffering arose directly from the battlefield, yet not all who qualified were accorded the same treatment. Unlike their non-Indigenous counterparts, external administrators were appointed to oversee the expenditure of pensions given to Indigenous veterans and dependants to ensure they were spent responsibly. Disabled Indigenous veterans and dependants recognized this as a profoundly discriminatory system – reducing them to their "Indian" identity – and drew from the nineteenth-century language of imperial nationalism and patriotism to demand equitable compensation and treatment from the state. Understanding the experiences of death and disability as intimately as the racist discrimination they faced, they envisioned their place as equals within the larger community of Canadian war casualties even though settlers and the state refused to recognize them as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Among the traumas associated with the First World War, Giraudoux was particularly sensitive to amnesia, to the point of making it the main subject of a novel: Siegfried et le Limousin. Adapted to the scene in 1928, this novel contributed to author's fame and inaugurated his collaboration with Louis Jouvet. In fact, the principle of forgetfulness persists throughout the whole Giraudoux's work: comical, dramatic or poetic, and it is also the main pretext for a meditation on memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the wake of the recent US elections, the future of Canadian- American relations is unclear. As part of a larger SSHRC-funded exploration of American fictional portraits of Canada, the following three conversations with writers Ben Farmer, P.S. Duffy, and Beth Powning lay the foundations for a consideration of how Americans perceive and depict their northern neighbours in recently published novels. In particular, all three writers focus their attention on the Atlantic region of Canada, probing the history of the area and reflecting on its implicit and explicit relationship to its southern neighbours, locally and nationally. Yet each one attends to a specific set of concerns and a different moment in history in ways that create a potential rich conversation between and beyond the individual novels and their authors. The interviews are intended to provide primary materials to facilitate further scholarship in this area of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Linguistica is the property of Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the wake of the recent US elections, the future of Canadian-American relations is unclear. As part of a larger SSHRC-funded exploration of American fictional portraits of Canada, the following three conversations with writers Ben Farmer, P.S. Duffy, and Beth Powning lay the foundations for a consideration of how Americans perceive and depict their northern neighbours in recently published novels. In particular, all three writers focus their attention on the Atlantic region of Canada, probing the history of the area and reflecting on its implicit and explicit relationship to its southern neighbours, locally and nationally. Yet each one attends to a specific set of concerns and a different moment in history in ways that create a potential rich conversation between and beyond the individual novels and their authors. The interviews are intended to provide primary materials to facilitate further scholarship in this area of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé Objectifs L’histoire de la psychiatrie de la Grande Guerre s’est longtemps focalisée sur l’histoire des soldats. L’article est consacré aux aliénés « ordinaires » largement négligés jusqu’ici, à travers une étude de cas des asiles du département de la Seine entre 1914 et 1918. Il s’intéresse aux conditions de vie des patients en attachant une attention particulière au ravitaillement. Méthodes La base archivistique est constituée des rapports annuels produits par la direction des asiles de la Commission de surveillance de la Préfecture de la Seine et des Procès-verbaux des séances de cette même commission. L’analyse de ces sources permet d’avoir une vue synthétique des problèmes de ravitaillement, de l’évolution de la mortalité et de la réaction des dirigeants des différentes institutions. Résultats Fragilités guerrières retrace les nombreux moments de vulnérabilisation qui touche les populations psychiatriques dès 1914, notamment à travers une réduction du personnel soignant et la surpopulation dans certaines institutions. La mortalité connaît une hausse significative pendant les quatre ans de la guerre. Discussion Cette hausse de la mortalité dépasse largement celle de la population parisienne pendant la Grande Guerre et témoigne donc d’une fragilisation particulière de la population psychiatrique entre 1914 et 1918. Conclusion Si la Première Guerre mondiale est à juste titre considérée comme matricielle dans le développement d’un état social, cette prise en charge ne concerne pas toutes les populations vulnérables. Les patients psychiatriques comme les personnes âgées en sont encore exclus. Au niveau mémoriel, cette surmortalité est doublement passée sous silence, en tant que mort civile, supplanté par la gloire de la mort militaire, et en tant que mort psychiatrique, catégorie peu visible d’une manière générale, même en temps de paix. Objective The history of psychiatry in the Great War has long been reduced to the history of its soldiers. This article is devoted to the “ordinary” insane, hitherto widely neglected, through a case study of the asylums of the department of the Seine between 1914 and 1918. It focuses on the living conditions of patients, paying particular attention to food supplies. Methods The archival base consists of the annual reports produced by the Supervisory Commission of the Seine Prefecture and the minutes of the meetings of that Commission. The analysis of these sources gives a synthetic overview of the problems of supply, the evolution of mortality and the reactions of the different institutions. Results War Frailties traces the many moments of increasing vulnerability affecting psychiatric populations as early as 1914, notably through a reduction in nursing staff and overpopulation in some institutions. Mortality increased significantly during the four years of the war. Discussion This increase in mortality far exceeded that of the Paris population during the Great War, and thus testifies to a particular vulnerability of the psychiatric population between 1914 and 1918. Conclusion If the First World War is rightly considered as a matrix in the development of the Welfare State, this welfare provision did not concern all the vulnerable populations. Psychiatric patients, like the elderly, were still excluded. Historically, this excess mortality is doubly overlooked, since it concerned civil deaths, as opposed to the glory of military deaths, and psychiatric deaths, a category that is generally invisible, even in times of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]