Search

Despite the European Union (EU)-sponsored economic and political reforms, the Western Balkans has made little to no progress in several fields, including post-conflict reconciliation, post-socialist economic transformation, and democracy. This situation threatens both regional stability and, more importantly, the EU integration process in the region. On the other hand, the EU is in crisis and its enlargement policy has lost its momentum. If alternative policies are not put in place in the Western Balkans, it would once again be dragged into a whirlpool of conflict. This study asserts that the EU Strategy for Adriatic and Ionian Region (EUSAIR), which is a Macro-Regional Strategy could serve as a more realistic integration tool in the Western Balkans and an alternative for EU membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the rationale and activities of the European Union Strategy for the Adriatic and Ionian Region (EUSAIR) established in 2014 with the objective of addressing macro-regional challenges—most importantly, the attempt to couple the protection of the Adriatic and Ionian seas with the area's economic development—while progressively integrating Southeastern European states into the European Union through multi-level governance programmes. The results of this scheme, however, have been so far unsatisfactory. Through an examination of two highly salient issues pertaining to its development, oil and gas exploration in the Adriatic Sea and the building of a highway linking Greece to Italy, this article shows how the EUSAIR influences only marginally, if at all, states' priorities and it does not yet contribute significantly to the building of cross-border cooperation and trust. Accordingly, the EUSAIR risks becoming irrelevant vis-à-vis the challenges that the macro-region is expected to confront. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Italy is a vocal supporter of EU enlargement to the Western Balkans. Relying on primary and secondary sources and semi-structured interviews, this article analyses Italy’s position, including the ‘what?’ (the traditional views of the country on EU enlargement), the ‘how?’ (formal processes and actual practices of decision-making) and the ‘why?’ (the main factors influencing its position). The expected economic and security benefits for Rome largely compensate for the perceived costs of EU enlargement towards the region. Nevertheless, Italy’s influence capacity is hampered by lack of resources and a traditional focus on mere diplomatic presence, as it emerges from the recent examples of the Berlin Process, the refugee crisis, and the EUSAIR. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]