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The research is focused on the emerging practices of digital photojournalism in war contexts, in relation to the use of user-generated content from social networks. The focal point is the coverage of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict by the two main online newspapers of the belligerent countries: Ukrayinska Pravda and Rossiyskaya Gazeta. From the analysis of an initial sample of 7,194 articles (6,646 Ukrainian and 548 Russian), published during the first semester of the war, the preferred type of graphic content and the degree of presence of images from the different social platforms will be determined. Likewise, the article offers a theoretical innovation on the current state of the routine of war digital photojournalism, introducing the definition of the concept of "false collective source" due to the appropriation of mechanisms of collective intelligence for potential propaganda purposes. The informative use of the social web has generated a transition from "gatekeeping" to "gatewatching" that makes it necessary to review the state of the art to avoid a possible instrumentalization of the role of users. Finally, a decalogue is proposed to combat digital illiteracy and identify new appropriation practices, by distinguishing the use of the social web as an information source versus its use as a mere distribution channel.

Exposure to propaganda can lead to biased attitudes that change the way people speak and act, sometimes without their conscious awareness. Propaganda has historically contributed to systemic discrimination, bias-motivated violence, and even genocide. By comparing historic and contemporary propaganda, students come to understand how people's values can be hijacked through persuasive appeals that activate strong emotions, use oversimplified information, and attack opponents. Teaching students how to identify propaganda is an essential life skill in combating dehumanizing language, ideas, and actions in all its forms. The activities in this article can guide students to confront historic examples of harmful propaganda and help them understand the problem and danger of modern stereotypes.

My article considers German wartime propaganda and pedagogy from 1914 to 1916, which influenced young schoolchildren (aged 5-14) to create drawings and paintings of Germany's military in World War I. In this art, the children drew bodies of German soldiers as tough, heroic, on the move, armed with powerful weapons, and part of a superior military movement; their enemies (French, Russian, British soldiers) embodied disorder, backwardness, ineptitude, and deadly weakness. The artwork by these schoolchildren thus reveals the intense propaganda of the war years, and the children's tendency to see the German military as the most accomplished combatant in the war. During the first two years of the war, in the primary schools of the nation, many children did such art under the supervision of teachers who passionately embraced the nation and the war cause. Within the classroom, teachers directed students to imagine the war by drawing scenes of battles, including the sinking of the Lusitania. Some of these teachers had been influenced by the Kunsterziehungsbewegung (the arts' education movement) and thus encouraged children's creativity in art of the war years. In this pedagogical wartime environment the young student became actively engaged in creative learning and study about the war, expressing romantic ideas of the indomitable German soldier and sailor. My research has involved analysis of over 250 school drawings done by children aged 10-14 in a school in Wilhelmsburg, near Hamburg, in 1915. I analyze the depiction of the German forces in six of these sources and also consider the history of art instruction in German schools. Furthermore, I address the ways in which historians can analyze children's art as a historical document for understanding the child's experience.

In the fifteen Russian textbooks of the 1990s examined in this article, the Second World War is subject to three levels of reflection: language, narrative templates, and the representation of contested events. The language used in the textbooks represents an amalgam of Soviet propagandistic clichés and uncritically adopted Western terminology. These textbooks also retain the same "schematic narrative template" of the Second World War, based on references to the expulsion of foreign enemies, found in Soviet textbooks. Significant transformations can be observed only in the representation of events, in which the authors' harsh criticism of Stalin's crimes comes to the fore. Yet these superficial changes did not alter the basic structures of history learning, which was one of the main reasons why working through the past during the Yeltsin era almost failed.

The centennial of the First World War has offered instructors across the humanities an exciting opportunity to enhance students' disciplinary expertise while reflecting on the significance of an event that continues to shape the world today. Drawing on established courses on the history and literature of the war, respectively, the authors designed a seminar that invited students to explore both the experience and the memory of the conflict from an interdisciplinary perspective. Eager to model the kind of collaborative exchange hoped to see among students, the authors elected to team-teach the course, attending and engaging in all class sessions and co-grading all major assignments produced by the twenty students. Moreover, the authors were mindful to maintain a balanced syllabus, alternating between lessons in history and literature in order to demonstrate how work in one field both complements and enhances work in the other. While this balancing act provided students with an invaluable learning opportunity, it created an unexpected one as well. In addition to delivering a course that challenged students to work at the intersection of English and history, it was a surprise to observe how the attention to the incorporation of diverse sources and global voices also led students toward a transdisciplinary exploration that encompassed language, visual art, music, and archaeology. In this article, the authors will review the course design, assignments, and experiential learning components before sharing reflections on this unexpected pedagogical outcome.

Newspaper coverage of the Canudos War dehumanized the "sertanejos," portraying them in such a way that empathy or grief for their suffering was inaccessible to the Brazilian readership. Euclides da Cunha, a war correspondent for the newspaper "O Estado de São Paulo," was amongst those who contributed to the state's war narrative that represented the "sertanejos" as an inhuman mass and glorified the republican soldiers as heroes. However, in retrospect to the war, Euclides writes his "Os sertões," undermining much of the journalistic rhetoric established during the war by exposing the republican soldiers' cruel acts of violence and condemning the war as illegal. In effect, he inadvertently elevates the sertanejo to the level of a perceivable individual whose death can be mourned. This article juxtaposes a reading of newspaper coverage of the Canudos conflict with Euclides' account in "Os sertões." In doing so, this article elucidates the relationship between life and suspended law, ultimately providing a biopolitical reading of these texts.

Within the polarised political culture of the 1970s, in which political differences were emphasised instead of being played down, Dutch right-wing politicians frequently accused left-wing politicians and educators of indoctrination in educational settings. In this period of economic stagnation and an ongoing Cold War, peace education -- which was vulnerable to accusations of indoctrination -- became an optional part of the secondary school curriculum. This article addresses the aims and strategies of the Working Group for Peace Education in implementing the peace education curriculum and relates it to politics, place and pedagogy. The study centres on the content, intentions, and methods of the Working Group's curriculum, especially with regard to topics relating to the Vietnam War and nuclear weapons. The results suggest that the members of the Working Group for Peace Education aspired to educate young people to become citizens who would be actively engaged in global problems. Sensitivity to possible accusations of indoctrination led the Working Group to present these ideals with caution.

This paper explores educating for democratic citizenship with a focus on the intersection between reading and values, specifically the nurturing of social responsibility. Using a pre-designed framework for teaching for social responsibility, excerpts from a young adult historical fiction series are used to consider learning possibilities in the social studies classroom.

Marian Falski's "Reading Primer" (Elementarz) was the first textbook to be published in Warsaw in 1945 by the newly established State School Publishing House (Panstwowe Zaklady Wydawnictw Szkolnych). It was officially approved by the Ministry of Education and by the Censorship Office, but nevertheless had an interim character, unlike other editions published before, during and after the war, both in Poland and abroad. The core of the book was reprinted from the prewar edition. However, in his depictions of war trauma and postwar circumstances the author was apparently trying to comply with the propaganda model developed during the Stalinist period. These findings are empirically grounded in a content analysis of the primers following archival research conducted in the files of the Ministry of Education and the Censorship Office, both of which are housed in the Modern Records Archive (Archiwum Akt Nowych) in Warsaw.

This article addresses how to include instruction about the Holocaust (Shoah) in intermediate German world language classes in the United States. Scholarly inquiry into teaching of the Shoah has produced pedagogical frameworks, and Lindquist's (2008) guidelines are recommended along with additional instructional resources and suggestions. The appropriateness and value of teaching the Shoah are described by means of a series of detailed activities that can be used in intermediate classes. These activities integrate the development of language skills with effective instruction in the Shoah and include a timeline activity, supplemental guidance for analysis of the book "Damals war es Friedrich," and an analysis of propaganda posters from the period. Finally, a call is made for the development of additional resources to support instruction of the Shoah in the German language curriculum.

This article discusses how early curriculum resources available to all school children in New Zealand attempted to shape children's attitudes to the First World War. The study reviewed issues of the "New Zealand School Journal" between the years 1907 and 1925. It found evidence of overt and covert attempts to influence children's attitudes towards the Great War. In particular, the "School Journals" perpetuated the masculine ideals essential for the making of a soldier and the creation of "war ready men." They reinforced a patriotic ideal and duty to Empire as well as introducing a strong sense of nationhood through the creation of a new Anzac identity.

Written and published during World War II, Eleanor Estes's "Rufus M". (1943) is set during the time of American involvement in World War I, the war of the author's own childhood. Despite the fact that the book was named a Newbery Honor title, many critics have found it unsatisfyingly unstructured and episodic. I argue, however, that the book is far more unified in its construction than these critics recognize and deserves study as a revelatory title about how the First World War was presented to young readers during the Second World War. In his dauntless determination to support the war effort, young Rufus shows himself to be an iconic home-front hero of precisely the sort encouraged by the United States propaganda machine. But read carefully, the book has such an air of pervasive melancholy and contains so many scenes of disappointed hopes and disillusioned dreams that it can be read as encoding doubts about the first war's legacy. Despite Estes's clearly intended attempt to provide hope for young readers, the reality of World War I's ultimate failure haunts "Rufus M." as a sort of pentimento, a darker set of images revealed beneath the text's surface optimism.

In the 1960s federal agencies in the US encouraged the building of protected schools designed to survive a nuclear attack. A number of designs, including underground schools, were constructed. In order to promote the building of protected schools, the US government produced a number of propaganda films for school boards and governors. In addition to promoting post-nuclear survival, these films considered that protected schools were beneficial in terms of progressive and child-centred education and sometimes racial assimilation. This article considers the extent to which securitisation and progressive education found a common purpose at this time and considers the implications of this for race equality. The data is based upon rare, archival film from the US National Archives in College Park, Maryland on school protection during the cold war. These films, intended for wider public consumption were intended as promotional shorts for schools boards and other decision-makers to show the advantages of adding fallout protection to school design. The method involved an archival search to scope the range of films produced at this time. Each film was viewed multiple times at the archive to transcribe text and image descriptions. This dual data was then used to form a narrative account of the argument structure of the films to identify the ways in which interest convergences and divergences around "race" are deployed. The discussion uses conceptions of "flexible whiteness" to examine how securitisation, a discourse identified with white hegemony, can additionally contain conceptions of race equality and progressivism.

This article examines a series of educational films and documentaries produced between 1948 and 1968 that document the activities of the Italian state. These films, which record the dedicated and arduous work of the Italian government and administration, had two functions. First, they informed students and the general public about the democratic structures, institutions and aims of the new republic, promoting a fresh and convincing vision of national identity. Second, they served to obscure and rewrite the collective national memory of Fascism and Italian involvement in the Second World War. These films thus reveal the fine line between public information, political propaganda, and civic education.

The outbreak of the First World War had a powerful impact on German schools. Undoubtedly, schools were institutions of socialisation that did offer support to the war. Indeed, research has shown that a specific "war pedagogy" made an aggressive propaganda possible in the classroom. This research usually emphasises the enthusiasm for war that swept up teachers and students in schools, as in the rest of the population, in the first few months of the war. However, this emphasis on the war frenzy obscures the fact that schools were not easily transformed into war institutions. Even if schools made a great effort to align themselves with the war effort, they remained independent associations, and soon after 1914, a quotidianisation (akin to routinisation) arose within the schools. To date, source materials that show this lack of influence of wartime propaganda on schools have only been analysed in terms of what they reveal about the deprivations and hardships of schools during the war. However, records from the schools also shed light on the everyday routines that continued during the war, and such evidence calls on scholars to reconsider the conditions in schools in the First World War. This article analyses selected records including school chronicles and exam protocols from the war years and shows that school life was often distinct from war enthusiasm. A more complex view is therefore advocated of the relationship between the First World War and the German school.

High school social studies teachers are always struggling to "cover the content" while addressing an ever-expanding set of additional demands. The Common Core expects literacy instruction to be incorporated into social studies. NCSS's new C3 Framework emphasizes teaching students to ask questions, evaluate sources, and communicate conclusions, in addition to applying the skills and knowledge of various social science disciplines. To fit it all in, many teachers react with counterproductive strategies (like speaking faster and handing out more readings). What they need are new classroom methodologies that integrate twenty-first century literacy with student-centered pedagogy. They need to engage all of their students with rich social studies content while they are developing the skills and desire to continually read their world. Constructivist media decoding integrates popular culture with Common Core and C3 literacy instruction and rigorous content knowledge. The study of World War I can provide an excellent opportunity for integrating media analysis into the curriculum through the decoding of propaganda posters. The governments of Europe made unprecedented use of mass media to spread jingoistic propaganda to the often illiterate peoples living within the fault lines of competing nation states. These visually compelling and content-rich posters can be used to teach both historical knowledge and critical thinking skills through constructivist media decoding.

Childhood testimonies have become a familiar component of war reporting and peace advocacy through the publication of children's drawings, oral descriptions of wartime trauma and wartime writing. While such practices have the merit of publicising children's experiences, it is also the case that the selection and distribution of these materials is often done with political intent. The present paper examines the production conditions behind three cases of childhood testimony from the Algerian War of Independence. Based on interviews with actors from the war period and on-site archival research conducted in 2011-2012, this paper investigates several documents produced by children and published by networks affiliated or sympathetic to the National Liberation Front (FLN) during the war. As well as analysing the content of these documents, we look at how and where they were produced, through what conduits they were published, and the stated aims of political actors involved in their publication.

This article provides an investigatory overview of the Pentagon's military analyst program, what it is, how it was implemented, and how it constitutes a form of propaganda. A technical analysis of the program is applied using the theoretical framework of the propaganda model first developed by Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman. Definitions and parameters of what constitutes propaganda as outlined by Chomsky and Herman, particularly through their analysis of 'filtering' mass media news through "sourcing", are drawn on in order to determine how various aspects of the program can be qualified as propaganda.

This article examines 50 films produced and released between the years 2001 and 2012 that are concerned with the American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Using Jacques Ellul's theories set out in his book "Propaganda," the article argues that while the films have failed at the box office, they were intended to function as integration propaganda. The article proposes six different tropes or common frames for understanding how the films avoid dealing with problems raised by the wars. Why the films failed, and what functioned as integration propaganda instead, is the subject for a second article titled "Eyeless in America, the Sequel." (Contains 12 notes.)

This article builds on conclusions drawn in the article "Eyeless in America," by the same author and considers how 50 American films about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan intended to function as what Jacques Ellul called "integration propaganda" fared. This article considers and rejects a number of theories about why most feature war films failed between 2002 and 2012 and proposes what war films might look like in the near future. (Contains 1 figure and 3 notes.)

We are still coming to terms with the legacy of Randolph Bourne. Although he died at the age of 32 just as the United States was cheerfully entering the First World War under the banner of "democracy," the words he penned in an unfinished essay still resonate in the American social conscience: "War is the Health of the State." This maxim, once thought the exclusive property of leftist radicals, now can be heard echoing from every political corner of the blogosphere as progressives and libertarians alike find cause to question the motives of governmental power. Yet despite his reappearance as a symbol, Bourne in many ways remains as forgotten as ever--perhaps even more so as his once provocative claim has been transformed into a talking point. This essay endeavors to recapture the voice of Bourne in all its complexity, seeking to place him at the forefront of the contemporary American intellectual tradition as one of its most piercing critics, most visionary poets, and most eloquent rhetors. Specifically, we show how Bourne's critique of the "State" foresaw the rise of the technological society organized by ideological propaganda, how his vision of the Beloved Community anticipated our modern ideals of global transnationalism, and how his literary essays practiced a form of aesthetic rhetoric which employed dramatistic methods to bring about a new state of expanded social consciousness. (Contains 113 notes.)

The anti-German sentiment during World War I reached a point where "people speaking German on the street were attacked and rebuked." Iowa Governor William L. Harding legitimized such expressions of prejudice and war-time fanaticism when he issued "The Babel Proclamation" on May 23, 1918. Antagonism toward Germans and their language escalated nationwide, but Harding became the only governor in the United States to outlaw the public use of "all" foreign languages. Harding understood the connection between communication and assimilation. He was convinced that destroying the vital bond of language within ethnic communities would force assimilation of minorities into the dominant culture and heighten a sense of patriotism in a time of war. Harding's understanding of immigrant assimilation offers insight into subsequent efforts to superficially create unity through language legislation. Historically, Governor Harding's Babel Proclamation, which was repealed on December 4, 1918, demonstrates the extreme measures citizens and governments are willing to employ to achieve "peace and tranquility" at the expense of liberty during a time of national crisis. It is important to understand that forcefully shattering the bond of language to artificially unite all Iowans makes Iowa--and the nation--less safe for the ideals of democracy. (Contains 45 notes and an annotated bibliography of primary and secondary sources.)

This project teaches students about persuasion techniques, especially as governments use them. Most project examples came from the work of the U.S. military's modern Psychological Operations division. Social psychology students (a) reviewed influence techniques; (b) examined posters, leaflets, and other persuasion tools used in World War II, the Gulf War, Kosovo, and Afghanistan; (c) pondered legal and ethical issues related to persuasion campaigns; and (d) considered the differences between persuasion and propaganda. Finally, students considered ways to innoculate themselves against unwanted influence attempts.

Examines the role of libraries, particularly public libraries, in times of war. Discusses similarities between responses after World War Two and the September 11, 2001 attacks; government restrictions on information; American Library Association responses, including propaganda and libraries; and the library and the community. (LRW)

Explores the evidence of nationalism, propaganda, and the treatment of war and peace in the school curriculum and textbooks within four countries during the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century: (1) Britain; (2) France; (3) Germany; and (4) the United States. (CMK)

Reviews nine U.S. history textbooks, evaluating their analyses of the Spanish-American War, World Wars I and II, and the Cold War. Documents their failure to link U.S. foreign policy to economic interests. Criticizes the texts' lack of an historical framework. Concludes students are taught neither historical truth nor critical analysis skills. (CH)

The Iraq war has generated interest combined with apprehension in young minds as to the nature of "the other", in this case Islam and its followers. Attempts by the U.S. Government to allay negative impressions by means of information through specialized web portals are highlighted.

Surveys the author's contribution to the Center for Social Studies Education curriculum on the Vietnam War. Focuses on "How the War Was Reported," a unit which raises four questions concerning the responsibilities of the government and the press for keeping the public informed. Encourages use of the curriculum in teaching about the Vietnam War. (GEA)

During the Spanish Civil War, War Routes with tourist itineraries were organized in the area controlled by General Francisco Franco. They began to operate on 1 July 1938 and ran throughout the whole of the following year. The objective was, on the one hand, to create a new tourism product essentially aimed at the European market in order to attract tourists and obtain foreign currency. On the other hand, these itineraries formed part of a propaganda campaign which sought to spread the virtues of the new regime that was under construction in order to counteract the campaign being carried out against it abroad by the legitimate regime of the Republic. This new tourism product was promoted among the principal European travel agencies, although it generated poor economic results. This article studies the promotion of these itineraries, the travel agencies that were interested in them, the banks that acted as intermediaries and the results of the initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]