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Among the growing body of literature concerning teaching and learning about the Holocaust, very little research has explored the experiences of teachers from an emotional perspective. This study considers the emotion work done by educators who are teaching about the Holocaust at the site of Auschwitz-Birkenau. Through the lens of 'emotional labour', the study explores how the educators articulate their emotion work, and how they manage their emotions "in situ." The findings reveal a complex interplay of emotion work and self-preservation that results in educators variously altering the extent to which they are 'present' and how they choose to withdraw themselves emotionally from certain exhibits or spaces at the museum. The study also reveals the benefits of the informal emotional support network that exists between the educators, as well as the various routines they adopt to help them manage their emotion work. It is argued that the findings of this paper highlight a need for further research into how teachers teach about emotionally difficult histories such as this, in similar and more diverse contexts.

Aims This article explores the care British nurses provided to victims of typhus during the Second World War. Background Typhus is associated with poverty and overcrowding. During wars in the pre-antibiotic era, civilians were particularly susceptible to epidemics, which military governments feared would spread to their troops. Design This discussion paper draws on archival data from three typhus epidemics in the Second World War to examine the expert work of British nurses in caring for victims during these potential public health disasters. Data Sources The published sources for the paper include material from nursing and medical journals published between 1940-1947. Archival sources come from the National Archives in Kew, the Wellcome Library and the Army Medical Services Museum, between 1943-1945. Of particular interest is the correspondence with Dame Katharine Jones from nurses on active service overseas. Implications for Nursing Whilst epidemics of typhus are now rare, nurses in the present day may be required to care for the public in environments of extreme poverty and overcrowding, where life-threatening infectious diseases are prevalent. This article has demonstrated that it is possible for expert and compassionate nursing to alleviate suffering and prevent death, even when medical technologies are unavailable. Conclusion Expert and compassionate care, adequate nutrition and hydration and attention to hygiene needs are crucial when there are limited pharmacological treatments and medical technologies available to treat infectious diseases. The appreciation of this could have implications for nurses working in current global conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each country should look beyond the nationalistic stories and the everyday self-images popularly disseminated. UK students deserve an environment where school curricula, public debate, politics, media and memorials give balanced, factual and ethically informed narratives about Britain's past and current dealings with other races and nations. A mythical 'great' Britain underpins a 'racialized consciousness' shaping attitudes to race equality issues at home today and how of contemporary commercial colonialism is evaluated. 'White' is a socially constructed composite ethnicity with exclusionary and subjugating characteristics. With different national roots, and played out differently in different countries, the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests point to common, enduring global inequalities and injustices with 'white priority' at their root. This paper focuses principally on the school curriculum, its content and, how it is experienced and assessed. It examines understanding of, and attitudes towards, five interlocking themes: slavery; colonialism; 'righteous' wars; contemporary exploitative engagement with lesser developed nations; and racial and class inequalities in today's Britain. The limited current state of understanding of these issues poses challenges to the extension of multicultural education into meaningful antiracism and action for social justice. The school curriculum is only one part of wider action required to address (mis)understandings of Britain's past and present colonialism, to recognise current race related injustices at home and abroad and to resituate notions of 'belonging', ethnicity and equal worth. Even 'correcting' these perceptions, bolstered by the widespread 'Black Lives Matter' protests in many countries, will not lead to sustained improvements in racial justice without significant adjustments to legal, social and especially economic infrastructures.

In the nineteenth century city child rescuers developed 'a taxonomy of space' in which geography determined destiny. The privatised spaces of the middle classes were contrasted with the 'dirt, disease and delinquency' of the slums. Yet at the same time as 'dirt' was viewed as 'destructive' and proof of urban neglect it was also accepted in the form of rural soil to be 'fertile' and central to helping sustain life. This paper explores the emergence of this spatial taxonomy of destiny and its associated vocabulary of descriptors; it documents the visual duality of 'dirt' as a signifier of both 'risk' and of the 'pastoral'; and finally it examines some of the ways in which activists in one city sought in the twentieth century to bridge the divide and bring 'nature' into the city.

The paper explores three periods in the UK electricity consumption-production system since World War II. The first two involved the development of an increasingly centralized, integrated system that provided electricity to meet growing post-war demand. It saw two major changes in governance, first to nationalization, then to privatization and liberalization. The third period started at the turn of the Century, driven by increasing evidence of the impact of fossil fuels on the Earth's climate. The paper focuses on the drivers of change, within the UK and externally, and how they affected governance, technology deployment, and industry structure. It draws on the multilevel perspective and the concepts of governance and technological branching points to inform the analysis of each period. It shows that there is a considerable distance to travel toward a truly sustainable electricity system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the potential of the Council of Europe's Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters and Autobiography of Intercultural Encounters through Visual Media to develop quality education in the (foreign) language classroom in Higher Education. Whereas the literature focuses on their contributions to fostering intercultural awareness and reflection as one step to develop intercultural communicative competence in language education, the purpose of this paper is to show that they have a broader significance in terms of the development of three capacities leading to quality education according to Nussbaum, namely critical thinking, imaginative understanding and world citizenship.pro

This paper looks at the current challenge facing higher education by exploring the historical relationship between higher education funding and long economic cycles in the UK, USA and France. It examines the consequence of the transformation of public-private income in higher education that followed the 1970s downturn, questioning whether the rise of private resources acted as additional or substitutive resources for public spending. The paper suggests that there is a risk that the cost-sharing strategy could be turned into a policy of public-private substitution of funding and provision, leading to a transfer rather than an increase of resources with strong implications on quality and equity. However, the Kondratiev cycle suggests an alternative route by designating the impact of the 1970s economic downturn on education as unique. Previous economic crises were contemporary of accelerations of public funding towards education which in fact contributed to economic recovery. The current crisis could represent an opportunity to revive counter-cyclical policy by looking not only at efficient public spending but also at developing fairer taxation. A revival of public funding complemented by an additional rather than substitutive diversification of income would rebalance the public-private structure of funding and drive a sustainable higher education system capable of playing a key part in these counter-cyclical transformations. (Contains 8 figures.)

This paper considers Thomas Hobbes's educational thought both in its historical context and in the context of his political philosophy as a whole. It begins with Hobbes's diagnosis of the English Civil War as the product of the miseducation of the commonwealth and shows that education was a central and consistent concern of his political theory from an early stage. For Hobbes, the consensus on civil matters required for peace could be secured only through rigorous and universal civic education overseen by the sovereign in the universities, the pulpit, and the family alike. While some scholars have condemned Hobbesian education as unacceptably authoritarian, others have cited it approvingly as evidence for a more liberal Hobbes. This essay argues that neither reading adequately grasps the subtle relationship between persuasion and authority that characterises Hobbes's conception of education and, indeed, his political philosophy more generally. (Contains 21 notes.)

Mission schools in Africa in the first half of the twentieth century were in many ways microcosms of the great educational debates of the times. The objectives of policies regarding access, governance and curriculum were part of a historical evolution of mission education but they were also increasingly a reflection of significant new trends that were to reshape the theory and practice of colonial education. New forms of educational research and professional expertise were to play an ever-increasing role in shaping the forms and content of the education provided. The brief of the mission churches was to meet with the increasing demand for schooling. Church and state gradually expanded their cooperation in the field as the costs of education outstripped the resources of the missions and the demand for mass education came to be linked to nationalist demands for political and economic rights. This paper is concerned to map the background to those international influences that shaped the policy and practices of mission education and the increasing engagement of colonial governments with the field of education. It addresses the question of the worldwide Protestant mission church's response to the changing political, social and economic environment of the first half of the twentieth century. In particular it seeks to explore how mission initiatives shaped thinking about education in Asia, Africa, Oceania and Latin America by the 1930s. It also attempts to situate those issues within a wider educational framework by linking them to the emergent debate concerning pragmatism and utilitarianism in regard to progressive education in the USA and the quest for social democratic education in the United Kingdom and Europe as part of a response to socialism, nationalism and totalitarianism. In short, the paper explores the influence of the Christian mission churches with regard to social policy, in general, and the provision of education, in particular, during the interwar years, with special reference to areas influenced by the work of the International Missionary Council. At a time when there was a crisis of support for "foreign missions" how did the debates between fundamentalist-evangelicals and supporters of a "social gospel" transform themselves into debates regarding the role of missions in non-Western societies? And how did these essentially ecclesiastical/theological issues come to influence public policy, specifically educational policy, in the long term? The conclusions are that mission churches had a very significant influence on the shaping of educational thinking in the colonial and imperial context at a time when state influence in the sector was still often quite weak. The origins of the conference and research culture that has informed educational policy since the establishment of the United Nations Organization had its roots in the broad context of the Charter of the League of Nations, with a meeting of religious and secular goals, prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. Between 1910 and 1939 there was a significant history of educational reform and community development that has only been partially documented in relation to its global significance. This is an attempt to build a framework for understanding the nature of those changes and what was achieved. The investigation is conducted through an exploration of the three great World Mission Conferences of the International Missionary Council (IMC) held at Edinburgh (1910), Jerusalem (1928) and Tambaram, India (1938). The attempts of Christian churches to engage with dramatic social changes associated with industrialisation, urbanisation, poverty, cultural change and the rise of anti-colonialism, with specific regard to the field of educational policy, are documented and analysed. (Contains 5 boxes and 114 footnotes.)

This paper weighs possible medium-term responsible policy choices to the extraordinary expansion of government spending in response to the COVID-19 outbreak. The paper is divided into two parts. In part 1 of the paper, we look at conventional debt sustainability and question whether conventional rules created during a period of high interest rates and high inflation remain relevant. Current and future conditions support a case for government debt/GDP to remain elevated compared to history, conditional upon limited state interference in the economy to allow appropriate allocation of capital and resources. In part 2, we consider the historical experience of the United Kingdom. History shows the country had several examples of rapid, large-scale expansion of government debt relative to the size of the economy. On each occasion, the elevated level of debt-to-GDP was later reduced by a combination of relatively benign factors, including commitment to low inflation and sound monetary system. This supported the financial probity of the UK government and allowed it to continue to borrow unimpeded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an account of the earliest attempt in Africa to make education available to all within the context of what has been called fundamental education or a mass education programme. The paper draws attention to how the demand for mass education during the Second World War years was met by the British government, which, following what appeared to be a revision of its initial policy of exclusion, restriction of access and general hostility to mass education, made an unprecedented "large capital and recurrent grant" available for medical and educational work in its Colonial Development and Welfare Fund, and subsequently published the historic document entitled Mass Education in African Society. Using materials from the archives in Nigeria and Britain, the paper seeks to examine the reasons for the collapse of the promising literacy campaign in that country. In the process, it attempts to address, in particular, the issue of colonial policy and practice towards literacy acquisition by the "natives", and in particular the attitude of colonial government to mass literacy promotion. It draws attention to the complex colonial machinery, involving ideological differences and a personality clash that may have frustrated concerted efforts that were required to translate the programme into reality and contributed to the collapse of the literacy efforts. For while some of the officials were receptive to the idea of assisting the colonies in developing a literate citizenry, some remained strongly opposed to providing access to a large population. In the end, the frustrations and neglect led to discouragement and the end of the campaign, which could therefore not achieve its objective of making Africans literate. It then asks whether the failure of the literacy campaign may have been deliberately programmed for failure by the colonial administration to prevent the provision of mass access to literacy for the African population. (Contains 80 footnotes.)

In the early years of the Second World War the British had already begun post-war planning for education in Germany. They expressed a need to re-educate Germans and re-establish personal contacts with German people. One tool conceived to achieve these policy objectives was educational exchange. This paper will examine British educational exchange policy in post-war Germany, including how educational exchange came to be a part of post-war educational policy in Germany, what types of exchange programmes were established and how exchange programmes addressed educational policy objectives. It will focus on programmes for university level youth, utilising documentary evidence from archival sources and an historical approach to analysis. The aim of the paper is to provide a clearer conception of how educational exchange programmes between the British and Germans developed in the immediate post-war period. (Contains 2 figures.)

This paper describes the challenges involved in work in progress on the history of British policy in education in occupied Germany, 1945-1949. The problems centre on the range of archival sources, the structural balance of themes and chronology, and the use of appropriate illustrations. It argues that conclusions about the nature of educational policy in the British Zone depended largely on the role of individuals and their interpretation of policy guidelines rather than strict adherence to directives from on high.

In the cold war, the United Kingdom government devised a number of public education campaigns to inform citizens about the precautions that they should undertake in the event of a nuclear attack. One such campaign, Protect and Survive, was released to the general public and media in May 1980. The negative publicity this publication received is considered to be a reason why a successor publication was never released despite the increased risk of nuclear attack. Using recently released records from the UK National Archives the paper considers that, aside from this explanation, interlocking institutional objectives, rather than simply inertia, provide an explanation for this hiatus.

This paper explores the educational experiences of a specific group of refugees, namely academic women refugees who were members of various branches of the International Federation of University Women, and who came to Britain under the auspices of the British Federation of University Women from 1933. As a result of voluntary or forced migration some 400 such women from Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia and Austria sought entry to Britain following Hitler's accession to power in Germany in 1933. The help they received from the specially formed Emergency Refugee Committee of the British Federation of University Women, not only in gaining entry to the country but in refashioning their pre-migration educational and academic achievements, is looked at in detail, and the extent to which the women were able to retrain, re-qualify or complete training courses curtailed by political events and migration is considered. (Contains 37 footnotes.)

This article considers whether there was a national press before and during the Second World War. After considering the terms used by historians to describe the UK national press, and how it is defined, it looks at aspects of the industry that made it appear national and those which did not. The question of just how national the press was between 1939 and 1945 is then addressed, followed by some concluding comments. It argues that the wartime press was characterised by a high degree of uniformity in terms of organisation, co-operation and content, throwing into relief the more diffuse nature of the industry before and after. The idea of the national press downplays the extent to which newspapers varied considerably in readership, geographical reach, political and social significance. It obscures the important role of the provincial press, abstracting mass circulation London daily morning papers, from their place within an evolving network of mass communications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Second World War, education in advanced capitalist societies has been perceived as the main "saviour" of the meritocratic ideal. In this paper I will investigate some of the implications of the lasting emphasis that has been placed upon education in Britain, in the pursuit of a more just and equal society. Initially, I will present two main strands of thought vis-a-vis meritocracy. I will then show how these different approaches have shaped the pertinent debate. The main line of reasoning will be that the "meritocracy through education" discourse can potentially conceal inequalities and injustices in contemporary market-driven British society. This contention will be supported by evidence from social mobility research, which clearly indicates that the expansion of educational provision and the increase in educational qualifications of the past 60 years has done little to eliminate social class differences and associated privileges. (Contains 1 note.)

Drawing on a systematic content analysis of UK newspaper coverage of young anti-Iraq war protestors, I examine how young people's opinions were mediated before and during the war in Iraq. I explore the extent and nature of coverage, and ask whether newspapers encouraged young people to be active citizens in the public sphere. I argue that the UK press sought to legitimize young people's opinion before the war had started by stressing the consensual composition of the demonstrations. However, the dominant media frame shifted once the war had commenced, with young protestors portrayed as opportunistic truants rather than (as pre-war) active, engaged citizens. I conclude by discussing recent literature which interprets media coverage of protests positively by replacing the concept of the public sphere with the "public screen". While visually stimulating, I argue it is a rather hollow concept because it loses sight of the referent needed to make sense of the reasons why the UK decided to go to war. (Contains 1 figure, 6 tables and 9 notes.)

It is common in the literature to refer to British colonial education policy as if it were "a settled course adopted and purposefully carried into action", but in reality it was never like that. Contrary to popular belief, the size and diversity of the empire meant that no one really ruled it in any direct sense. Clearly some kind of authority had to be exercised from London but as Arthur Mayhew said of education policy in the Colonial Empire in 1938: "No Secretary of State for the Colonies...[is] anxious to adopt too definite a policy. He will be content with a few assumptions and a statement of general principles. And he will not be surprised if these principles in their local application are adapted with the utmost elasticity to local conditions." In the absence of any strong direction from the centre, this paper examines the factors that shaped twentieth century education policy in the 47 crown colonies, protectorates and mandates under the aegis of the Colonial Office in Whitehall. They included the all-important attitudes of the governor and his senior administrative officers towards education; the status of the director of education; the influence of the Christian missions both in London and in the colonies; denominational rivalry; long-standing British educational traditions based on social class; the state of the local economy; the attitudes of the European settlers; the advice and status of the London-based Advisory Committee on Education in the Colonies; the influence of the Secretary of State for the Colonies on the government of the day; the attitudes of key senior Colonial Office officials towards education; indigenous pressure groups; special reports and recommendations; war; national rivalry; the so-called Cold War; post-war constitutional changes, and the pressure of world opinion as reflected in the League of Nations after 1918 and the United Nations after 1945. Clearly there was great diversity in the ways in which education was developed from one territory to another but only detailed case studies can generate the data for broader and more historically accurate hypotheses about the development of British colonial education as a whole. (Contains 34 notes.)

Classroom battles are real and not a metaphor. Warfare is a historical and present fact of human life. Life really is a battle and conflict inevitable; injuries to the psyche are just as real as those to the body. Schools cannot step outside society. It is not Foucault but Thomas Hobbes who offers the most perceptive insight into human behaviour and the best advice for coping with trouble in schools. Abstract from "Discourses of "Indiscipline": a Foucauldian Response," by Cate Watson, is appended. (Contains 4 notes.)

Although Anglo-German relations since 1945 have by and large been friendly at the level of the political elite, on a wider scale British perceptions of Germany and the Germans are for the most part negative and still dominated by images of the Third Reich and the Second World War. It has even been suggested that "kraut-bashing" is the only form of racism in Britain which is still considered socially acceptable. Going beyond the simplistic but commonly expressed view which dismisses these negative British perceptions of Germany as envy of Germany's post-war economic revival, this paper will argue that there is a range of other reasons which help to account for the negative perceptions British people hold of Germany and the Germans such as the legacy of the Second World War and post-war challenges to British national identity, the nature of the Holocaust and the way history and languages are taught in Britain. (Contains 1 note.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the experiences of black Sub-Saharan African (BSSA) migrants from war-torn zones in accessing health services in the West Midlands region of the UK. This may help to inform on factors influencing the uptake of health services for new migrant communities. Design/methodology/approach: This study explored the experiences of BSSA migrants from war-torn zones in accessing health services in the West Midlands using an explorative qualitative approach. Ten focus groups made up of seven participants each were followed up with three in-depth one-to-one interviews from each focus group using a conversational approach where research participants were encouraged to direct and shape the discussion in accordance with their own experiences, views and particular concerns (Kvale, 1996) as opposed to responding to a pre-determined agenda. Findings: Following transcription, coding and analysis of the focus group discussions and follow-up interviews, this study found that perceptions and attitudes of BSSA communities in accessing health services included difficulties in navigating the health system, intrusive and embarrassing questions from clinicians, stigmatisation through offering an HIV test, culturally unfriendly counselling support, unconfidently services and episodes of trauma flashbacks. Originality/value: The experiences of BSSA migrants who sought health services in the West Midlands in the UK demonstrated important implications for future practice and informed service delivery. There is a need to consider cultural education for both BSSA migrants and health professionals to enhance understanding and trust between the groups. Basic professional training for health professionals should also encompass the needs of the growing ethnic populations in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper estimates dynamic effects of pandemics on GDP per capita with local projections, controlling for the effects of wars and weather conditions, using a novel dataset that covers 33 countries and stretches back to the thirteenth century. On average, pandemics are found to have prolonged and highly statistically significant effects on GDP per capita—a pandemic killing 1% of the population tends to increase GDP per capita by approx. 0.3% after about 20 years. The study of a more detailed dataset available for the UK reveals that this results mainly from an increase in per capita land and a disproportionate impact of pandemics on low-productivity workers, while monetary expansion, institutional change and innovation could also play some role. At the same time, the effects of pandemics are found to vary with scale and across time and countries, with positive effects present following the Black Death and the Spanish flu pandemics, especially in Northern Europe. This suggests that only the largest and most unexpected pandemics have a positive impact on income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dynamic general equilibrium models, private output is increased by government spending for goods and services, but decreased by government spending for employment. This paper presents the first evidence for the latter effect by studying the pre-WWII British wartime economy. Britain participated in numerous wars, increasing military employment greatly. British tax-smoothing policy and rare wartime governmental interventions reduce the difficulty of studying the effects of wartime government spending. This paper finds wartime decreases in industrial production, which can be explained by wartime government spending for military employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the British government's measures for its civilian subjects stranded as 'enemy aliens' in Japanese-controlled areas in the Far East during World War II. The British government tried to protect the interests of these Far Eastern subjects during the war and in the immediate postwar period. Its manner of dealing with the latter's redress movement from the late 1980s was initially reluctant but eventually became relatively adequate, thanks to the twin pressures of domestic public opinion and precedents set by other former Allied governments and the resolute struggles of the ex–Far Eastern subjects themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the perspectives of defence workers regarding a Just Transition of their industry, one of the most environmentally harmful sectors in terms of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, pollution and use of non-renewable resources. It is based on (i) interviews with defence sector workers in the United States and the United Kingdom (n58); and (ii) focus groups with key representatives of national and international labour unions, defence companies and relevant NGOs (n18). Some of these defence workers and their trade union representatives envisioned a transformational path towards sustainability, including converting the defence sector to more socially useful production. Drawing on Gramsci, we define these as 'counter-hegemonic views', since they challenge the hegemonic 'growth coalition' and 'treadmill of destruction' paradigms. Such views support and echo more radical interpretations of Just Transition, emphasising the necessity of a structural transformation of society to achieve a fair and effective transition to sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the demobilization of Northern Rhodesian (Zambian) servicemen after the First World War. Tied to this, is the compensation and commemoration of the askari (soldiers) and mtenga-tenga (porters) who died in the war. The compensation of ex-servicemen was a drawn-out process which took several years, eventually coming to a halt in 1928 with many Africans forfeiting their dues. The British South Africa Company (BSAC) and the British Colonial Government did not erect individual tombstones to commemorate ex-servicemen. The partiality exhibited in commemoration and compensation processes, based on racial lines, did not reflect the enormous contributions which these Africans made to the Allied war effort. The main sources for this article are official government records stored in the National Archives of Zambia, and records of the Catholic White Father missionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores an aspect of the legacy of the Declaration of Arbroath and expands upon earlier research into tensions surrounding the commemorations in 1814 of the battle of Bannockburn. It considers the evidence for connections between those radical artisans and their leaders who attempted to rouse popular insurrection in 1820, Scotland's so-called 'radical war', and Bruce's now-celebrated missive to the papacy of 6 April 1320, five centuries before. Did the armed workers moving on Carron Shore Iron Foundry on 5 April 1820, routed by troops at Bonnymuir, seek to coincide with the Declaration's anniversary? To what extent was the radicals' own declaration, the Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland, influenced by the text of 1320? If so, did this represent a continuation, a renewal or a debut for the Declaration as an inspiration for popular political participation in modern times? A survey of the holdings of early working-class subscription, circulation and public libraries in central Scotland c. 1790–c. 1830 can be made to identify both known and previously unnoticed published works which reproduced, translated and/or discussed the Declaration, as well as any radicalised readers. This reveals public awareness of Arbroath in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to have been potentially far more widespread than hitherto recognised by historians, if still marginal as a catalyst to political agitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a sociocultural psychology approach to mobility. It distinguishes geographical mobility, drawing on mobility studies, from symbolic mobility, that can be achieved through imagination. After the presentation of a theoretical framework, it examines the possible interplay between geographical and symbolic mobility through three case studies: that of people moving to a retirement home, that of a young woman's trajectory through the Second World War in the UK, and that of families in repeated geographical mobility. The paper thus shows that imagination may expand or guide geographic mobility, but also, in some case, create some stability when geographic mobility becomes excessive. More importantly, it shows that over time, people engage in trajectories of imagination: their various geographical and symbolic mobilities can eventually transform their very mode of imagining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to offer critical analysis of how public relations (PR) were used to justify the use of drones by the UK Government, through the promotion of a distinct strategic culture. The paper locates governmental PR discourse on drones in the UK since 2013 within the strategic culture associated with the global war on terror. Design/methodology/approach: The project was based upon critical discourse analysis of the UK governmental PR on drones since 2013, examining press releases, opinion articles by ministers, media relations content, parliamentary statements, news content and other related materials. Findings: The analysis led to five discursive themes of persuasive intent in relation to drones being identified, most of which were notably similar to the US governmental discourse on drone policy and deployment. Originality/value: The project contributes a novel interdisciplinary synthesis of the communicative aspects of international relations as theorised in the field of strategic culture with the cultural aspects of the state-level PR in order to explain how PR was used to promote and diffuse a strategic culture in which drones are assumed to be the counter-terrorism measure of choice. The conclusion is that governmental PR discourse combines aspects of colonialism with focus on superior technology, remote control and precision of weapons, generating a military and communicative logic that overwhelms the voices of victims and impedes meaningful discussion on the reality of suffering caused by drone deployments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the inner debate in Basque nationalism resulting from the Easter Rising between 1916 and 1918. Basque nationalists firmly believed that the Irish Revolution would affect the British war effort, the outcome of the Great War and hence Basque political vindication itself. The official nationalist leadership and its organ, Euzkadi, supported Great Britain, arguing a British military triumph in Ireland and in the Great War would bring a worldwide era of autonomy for national minorities. Pro-independence militants, however, not only expressed solidarity and outspoken support towards the rebels, but also associated their victory with a post-war scenario favourable to independence movements. This study focuses on the two competing Basque nationalist interpretations as presented in the media. Simultaneously, traditionalist parties (i.e. Carlists and Integrists) exacerbated nationalists’ differences in order to weaken a direct political rival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature and popular media in the past decade have served to introduce the broader public to the infra-red night vision developments of the Second World War, yet focus has primarily fallen upon those devices made and used by Germany and the USA. Through archival research this paper explores the British perspective, detailing the history and design of an infra-red weapon sight produced experimentally before the war's end, as well as the organisations and companies involved in the process. This is followed by an assessment of Britain's immediate post-war efforts in the field, showing why it was instead American equipment which was used in Britain's first martial deployments of infra-red weapon sights in the early 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summarizes public opinion on perceived threats to peace, the means considered most effective to preserve and strengthen peace, and attitudes toward military resistance, nuclear weapons, and defense spending. The data presented span several years and are often reported for individual West European nations. (JDH)

The 'war on terror' signalled a new type of warfare--one that accorded with the features of what Surkov argues is non-linear war (Pomerantsev, 2014). Traditional war that takes place in a particular geographical location, with an identifiable enemy, is no more. Instead, warfare is a more fluid phenomenon. The paper argues that Surkov's concept can be usefully applied to current developments in social work practice in the UK. We trace the origins of key anti-terrorist policy developments in the UK (PREVENT and CHANNEL) from the war on terror and argue that such policies have serious implications for social work. We argue that there is an increasing securitisation approach in addressing modern social problems. We describe these as reflecting conflationary rhetorical logic, notably the linking of Troubled Families programmes with 'terror'. The paper concludes that social workers need to first recognise tactics at play in the state of non-linear war, second become critically aware of conflationary rhetorical turns in political discourse, third actively resist securitised discourses and lastly reject discriminatory notions of so-called dangerous people and communities. In other words, we should actively reengage with and promote social work values and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The figure of Christopher Columbus was a key trope in the programming for the BBC's Latin American Service (LAS) and West Indian Service during the Second World War. This paper analyzes four dramas and one feature program from the 1940s that not only dramatize events from Columbus's life but also reflect the contemporary broadcast context by promoting British war interests and showcasing Latin American and Caribbean histories and geographies. These commemorative programs are broadly hagiographic, but they also reveal the BBC's awareness of how Latin American and West Indian audiences might variously respond to portrayals of Columbus and European colonization. Using radiogenic strategies including immersive aurality, the interplay of different historical narratives, and multivocality, these programs reveal the relationships between the BBC's institutional aims in overseas broadcasting and Latin American and West Indian program creators' literary and political goals. The portrayals of Columbus in the 1940s served an allegorical and ultimately propagandistic purpose, demonstrating the role of faith and perseverance amid turbulence and conflict, and inducing, by analogy, sympathy for Britain's war effort. The authors commissioned to write, produce, and deliver these dramas were not simply responding to propaganda guidelines; they were responding to the demands of the corporation and the war effort while also pursuing their own commitments and literary ambition. Ultimately, the scripts produced by the BBC for broadcast to the Americas reveal Columbus and his voyages as polysemic symbols of the regions' relationship to their past and their relationships to Europe in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the historical formation of the National School Lunch Program (NSLP) in the United States and argues that programme emergence depended on the ability of policy entrepreneurs to link the economic concerns of agricultural production with the ideational concern of national security. Using a historical institutionalist framework this paper stresses the critical juncture of the Second World War and the positive feedback loop created between agricultural industries and schools to understand the emergence of the NSLP. In addition, it stresses the role of frames in policy-making and focuses on the use by policy entrepreneurs of a security frame whereby child malnutrition was cast as a national security issue. The policy window of war gave policy entrepreneurs the chance to use the politically and culturally resonant frame of security, in the contexts of agricultural subsidies, to push for the creation of this programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines in detail the early years of British planning for a post-war security policy. The first years of the war saw British statesmen and officials consumed by concerns over the military conflict and hesitant to commit the government to specific war aims. This tendency changed by 1940 and 1941, due largely to fears that a failure to counter German propaganda about a 'new order' for Europe would lead European populations to accept Nazi designs for future economic and political order on the continent. Though there was an active, if amorphous, debate taking place within Britain about the future international order and Britain's place within, there remained a lack of concrete policy development. The Atlantic Charter, while a profound moment in hindsight, was not exactly viewed as such by British officials at that time. The true strategic re-direction came in the summer of 1942, when the Foreign Office produced its 'Four Power Plan'. Though the subject of heated debate in the autumn of 1942, the policy recommendation was eventually accepted in principle by the British Cabinet and would go on to define Britain's grand strategy for the remainder of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been much discussion by scholars about the efficacy of the term ‘dark tourism’ with a call to move from a theoretical to a more evidence-based approach to research. Recent analyses of dark heritage sites have shown that research has yet to engage fully with the experiences of tourists at dark sites. This paper seeks to meet this challenge by providing more evidence of the actual experiences of tourists at those sites which are conceptually identified as ‘dark’ using the particular example of battlefields in the UK. Based on a wide-ranging survey of battlefield sites the study used a blend of quantitative and qualitative methods to determine the nature of tourist experience. Central to this was a content analysis of visitor comments and vocabulary used to describe the sites. The results showed that visitors had a wide range of experiences but there was no evidence of a considered appreciation of the sites’ ‘darker’ aspects. Visitor experience here is casual and dominated by a lighter set of values. This is affected by the commercial nature of the sites which supports the assertion that thanatopsis is a rare feature of tourist visits. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 captured the imagination of reading publics around the world and in Britain spawned a breadth of products aimed at a domestic audience, including cigarette cards, illustrated magazines and newspaper cartoons. This essay investigates the commentary on and interpretation of the war offered by cartoons appearing in the British Sunday paper the News of the World and the Welsh daily paper the Western Mail. Editorial cartoonist J. M. Staniforth drew over 70 cartoons documenting the war for both papers, and the degree to which these visual images complemented or diverged from the editorial line expressed in leader columns is considered. The importance of distinguishing between cartoons and editorials and of taking into account the identity and career of the cartoonist is stressed. The visual codes for communicating conflict are also investigated, revealing in the process something of the intellectual horizons of both cartoonist and audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The traditional assumption that 'war is good for medicine' has generally been debated by examining specific medical innovations of the war years 1914-18.This paper focuses rather on the ways in which war affected the medical careers of those working in British microbiology before and after the Great War. Using a survey of the lives of medical scientists associated with The Lister Institute for Preventive Medicine, the British Pathological Society, and the Pathological Laboratory of St Bartholomew's Hospital, this paper argues the case for war-related medical research of 1914-19 as a driver both for the creation of a knowledge base for future research and for changes in career trajectory of a number of individuals who were subsequently important for the scientific development of different areas of epidemiology, microbiology, and nutrition science after 1920. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]