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The purpose of this article is to make visible and analyze the political, institutional, and bureaucratic-administrative framework involved in the consolidation of the electoral strength of the immigrant population residing in the province of Buenos Aires (Argentina). In this province, since 1999, the automatic registration of foreigners who meet legal requirements has been recognized. The analysis focuses on the registration policy and on electoral authorization to show that this is a longterm process, in which there are significant discontinuities between the stages of sanction, regulation, and application. It is also based on a qualitative methodological approach centered on the consultation and comprehensive analysis of a diverse set of primary and secondary statistical and documentary sources, as well as key informant interviews. It is concluded that the political call for automatic voter registration, embodied in the letter of the law and resulting from a genuine struggle for the expansion of political rights, has required extremely complex institutional designs on which significant progress has been made in recent years, but which, at present, continue to rely largely on the sum of wills and ad hoc political synergies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the nullification of an election in Barrio de Pajarito de Isleta, New Mexico, in 1826 by Governor Antonio Narbona. The election was held under the newly created Mexican Constitution of 1824, but Narbona was unhappy with the process and result. This incident highlights the challenges faced by New Mexico as it transitioned from Spanish colonial rule to Mexican sovereignty, and the clash between traditional customs and the new laws of the republic. The article explores the political and legal limbo experienced by New Mexico during this period of change. The text discusses the election controversy in New Mexico in 1825. Governor Narbona called for the nullification of the elections at the Barrio de Pajarito due to several irregularities, including the election of too many representatives and the re-election of an alcalde without skipping a term. The governor's investigation faced resistance from local citizens, some of whom were related to the candidates. The controversy continued with public hearings and testimonies, with some citizens supporting nullification and others defending the election results. The text highlights the clash between local practices and Mexican laws, as well as the influence of family ties in the community. The text discusses the nullification of an election in Barrio de Pajarito de Isleta in 1825 by Governor Antonio Narbona. The governor argued that the election violated Mexican laws and accused Jos6 Gabriel SAnchez and Jos6 Antonio Chdvez of disobeying [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the concept of populism and its importance in democracy. It addresses criticisms of populism, emphasizing the need for public consultation and the inclusion of diverse perspectives in decision-making processes. The article also discusses the influence of money in politics and its impact on democracy, highlighting the role of powerful families and organizations. It argues that a revived and strengthened democracy requires equal representation and the elimination of partisan gerrymandering and the disproportionate influence of money in elections. The text also discusses the relationship between populism and constitutionalism, arguing that populism can coexist with constitutional principles. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of giving voice to people affected by national policies and recognizing our mutual dependence on a global scale. [Extracted from the article]

2024 is the year of simultaneous general elections. All citizens can participate, and every vote counts, including that from people with disabilities. This paper aims to determine the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in general elections in Bengkulu City to welcome the general elections to be held simultaneously in 2024. This legal paper used an empirical method with a qualitative approach by collecting primary data from persons with disabilities in Bengkulu City. In-depth interviews were used to find out the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in the general elections in Bengkulu City. This paper concludes that the political rights of persons with disabilities in elections in Bengkulu City had not been fulfilled optimally. These rights included the rights to (i) be registered to cast a vote, (ii) access polling stations (TPS), (iii) cast their votes confidentially, (iv) receive information, including information about the elections, and (v) take part in elections. This was because the organizers, namely KPU, failed to play their role optimally. They failed because they had limited funding and persons with disabilities themselves were self-isolating and did not know their political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural disasters raise challenging trade-offs between public health safety and inalienable rights like the active involvement in political choices through voting. We exploit a quasi-experimental setting provided by multiple ballots across regions and municipalities during the Italian 2020 elections to estimate the effect of voters' turnout on the spread of COVID-19. By employing an event-study design with a two-stage Control Function strategy, we find that post-poll new COVID infections increased by an average of 1.1% for each additional percentage point of turnout. Based on these estimates and real political events, we also show through a simulation that in-person voting during a high-infection regime may have a large impact on public health outcomes, more than doubling new infections, deaths and hospitalizations. These findings suggest that policy-makers' responses to natural disasters should be flexible and contingent to the emergency severity, in order to minimize social costs for citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1987, migrants residing in the city of Buenos Aires have had the right to participate in local elections. The city’s Electoral Code, approved in 2018 and applied for the first time in the 2021 local elections, changed the regime of voluntary registration in the electoral register to one of automatic registration. This change not only increased the number of foreigners authorized to cast the vote, but it was also accompanied by a significant growth in migrant electoral participation. This article projects an analysis at three different levels. Firstly, it addresses the historically determined relationship between nationality, residence and access to the political community, with special emphasis on the exercise of political rights by migrants in the Argentine context. Afterwards, it considers the legislative and institutional transformations that, since the entry into force of the new Electoral Code, have entailed a transformation of the political-electoral role of the migrant group in the city of Buenos Aires. Finally, it analyzes some of the effects of automatic registration on the electoral behavior of the migrant group, trying not to lose sight of the composition and internal dynamics of this population as possible explanatory patterns of its electoral behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Current Population Survey (CPS) is a key source of information on who votes. Turnout estimates derived from the CPS are often cited in academic research on participation, widely used in the calibration of surveys, and central to ongoing legal and policy debates over the protection of voting rights in the United States. We compare CPS estimates to official voter turnout records from 2008–18 and document consistent, significant discrepancies that call into question the reliability of CPS turnout statistics. Specifically, the CPS overestimates black and Hispanic turnout relative to non-Hispanic whites, whether relying on turnout rates as a share of eligible citizens or the racial/ethnic composition of the voting population. Sampling error and commonly used adjustments to CPS estimates do not account for or correct this bias, and thus academics and policy makers should use discretion when judging recent shifts in voter turnout with survey data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In fact, in 1909 a pan-Asian Union was considered in Paris proclaiming "Let Asia arise in Unity, and Unity will bring Might".[7] A number of Indian nationalists like Mohammad Barkatullah, Lala Lajpat Rai, Manabendra Nath Roy visited Japan and met Chinese nationalists like Sun Yat-sen. The decolonization of Asia and Africa saw several countries achieve independence from the European colonial masters. Without political overtones but with the presence of the self-identified community of Asia that came together with the belief of ending the practice of colonization and racism, the Conference was truly a unique exercise to promote good relations with neighbouring countries. Today, no country can afford to ignore the values of their people, not even developed countries like the US. [Extracted from the article]

While the question of post-incarceration voting rights restoration is frequently explored by scholars, there is significantly less attention allotted to rights preservation for individuals who are in jail yet remain eligible to vote. Limited studies illustrate that mechanisms of de facto disenfranchisement, meaning standard procedures within the justice system that hinder or even bar voter participation, are pervasive and persistent. In other localities, these findings have been critical to implementing policy solutions that address institutional barriers and increase civic participation among detained populations. This important research, however, has been nonexistent in New York. Based on a random sample of ten New York counties stratified by population, along with Riker's Island, this study seeks to elucidate what election assistance procedures are offered in jail facilities, if any. This research involves records requests to county Boards of Elections and jails, along with phone interviews with jail officials. Through interviews and records requests, this study found that election assistance procedures varied significantly across county lines and, in particular, that misinformation around detained voter eligibility impaired assistance. Importantly, only one county jail maintained copies of absentee ballot requests. There, research uncovered that a mere two out of 10 requesting individuals were ultimately able to vote. Yet, no county monitors civic participation of detained populations entirely, requiring this study to manually match names from jail rosters to those of registered and absentee voters to identify detained voters. Findings that limited or no effort is put into ensuring ballot access for detained populations points to a miscarriage of civic rights within jails in New York State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper descriptively discusses the vote of Mexicans and people born in Guanajuato, Mexico living in the United States during the 2017-2018 electoral process. This presidential and gubernatorial election represented a substantial change in the electoral behavior of the Mexican diaspora. The phenomenon is relevant because it is the first time in the political history of this entity that people from Guanajuato living abroad were able to vote to elect a governor and senators. The analysis focuses on the concept of transnational citizenship, which involves the exercise of migrants’ political rights and their consequent impact on the reconfiguration of the State, especially at the subnational level, in addition to being an expansion of political rights that led to the implementation of a series of mechanisms by the federal and local electoral body to disseminate and make this right accessible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al- Mouhakiq Al-Hilly Journal for Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent works have compared political participation in a variety of democratic polities. One major finding of some of this research is that to classify individuals as highly active or inactive politically is to oversimplify the notion of participation. Political participation is multidimensional: active participants in one kind of political behaviour may be inactive in another. Preoccupation with one form of participation, such as voting, may obscure the extent and nature of participation taking place. This finding was summarized neatly in a recent work: "Citizens differ not only in the overall amounts of participation they perform but also as to the types of acts in which they choose to engage. Furthermore, these different types of acts are quite distinctive in form and function and can almost be thought of as alternative participatory systems: – systems that are used for different purposes, that are able to provide types of benefits, and that relate the participant to his government and to his fellow citizens in fundamentally different ways." Surprisingly, perhaps, these types of participation have been found to be similar across several democratic polities. Four distinct activities have been located in the several nations: (1) voting; (2) active participation in political campaigns; (3) cooperative activity such as joining with others formally or informally to pursue political goals; and (4) contacting government officials about some public problem. There has been little analysis of the forms of participation of Canadians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al- Mouhakiq Al-Hilly Journal for Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this article is to explore the clash between international human rights law and a legal pluralist framework in the case of the noken system and also to investigate potential solutions to the clash. Elections in Indonesia are generally founded on the principle of direct, universal, free, secret, honest and fair voting. There is a notable exception in the Province of Papua, where tribes in the Central Mountains area are following the noken system. Under this system, votes are allocated to the candidate(s) based on the decision of the big man or the consensus of the tribe. The Indonesian Constitutional Court has accepted this practice as reflecting the customs of the local population. However, this form of voting seems to be contrary to the right to vote under international human rights law, since article 25(b) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights stipulates that elections shall be held genuinely by universal suffrage and secret ballot to guarantee the free will of the electors. Consequently, the case of the noken system in Papua reflects an uneasy clash between a legal pluralist approach and universal human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the relationship between youth and politics in Argentina by analyzing the characteristics, meanings and tensions that have shaped the production of youth and their political rights during recent years. Qualitative methods were used in this investigation. Documentary sources are analyzed regarding two legislative proposals: the so-called "youth vote" law passed in 2012, which enabled optional voting from the age of 16, and a National Youth Law, which was approved only by the lower chamber in 2015 and then lost its parliamentary status. The paper addresses main issues on the field of youth studies: tensions and modalities on the production of youth, the legitimization of certain forms of youth participation and the conceptions of youth in the public debates regarding these two legislative initiatives. The study provided an important opportunity to advance in the understanding -based on the analysis of the Argentine case-, of a process that is characterized, on one hand, by a context were youth political mobilization had an impact on the perceptions of Latin American governments who implemented policies for the extension of rights. On the other hand, by a set of initiatives that placed youth issues on the public agenda from a rights-based perspective. Additionally, it also offers important insights to the study of changes and continuities after governmental change in 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has shown that mainstream political parties shift their positions on European integration in response to threats from niche parties. Whether or not this strategy affects the electoral fortunes of mainstream parties remains unclear, however. Drawing on both spatial and issue competition models of party competition, this study examines how mainstream political party accommodation of niche party position on the issue of European integration affects mainstream party electoral success. Using fixed-effects panel regression models, we investigate the effect of mainstream parties becoming more Eurosceptic in the face of a radical right political party on the size of the mainstream party's vote share. We show that position shifts towards Euroscepticism are detrimental to centre-right mainstream party success when faced with a radical right party that has seen more electoral success. Our findings have important implications for our understanding of party competition and electoral responsiveness in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the establishment of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (ZUNR) in November 1918; in 2018-2019 there was 100 years after its proclamation and existence. The author gives considerable attention to characterization of peculiarities intrinsic to the development of ZUNR law (adoption of the interim Constitution, constitutional laws on citizenship, on the State language (Ukrainian), on establishment of electoral law fundamentals (universality, equality, and secrecy of this law), on elections to the Galicia Seim, and a series of laws relating to State law (on the structure of central and local public and administrative authorities, judicial system of the country, establishment of law enforcement bodies etc.). The article shows that one of the most important laws adopted by the Ukrainian People's Rada (UP Rada) was " Interim Fundamental Law on State Independence of the Ukrainian Lands of the Former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy" which completed the process of constitutional arrangement of the newly formed State. This legal act provided for internal legitimization of government and formulated the main vectors for the development of ZUNR as a sovereign State. Proclamation of the newly formed State as the parliamentary republic justified the principles of division of power into legislative, executive and judicial branches. The State's territory was determined by the ethnographic boundaries within which Ukrainians resided in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The fundamental provisions of the ZUNR Provisional Constitution were the guarantees of broad political and national rights of Poles, Jews and Germans. The interim nature of the Constitution was justified by the need to organize the operation of the Republic's Seim, with its primary duties including the approval of the Fundamental Law of the State. UP Rada, the government, and the State Secretaries adopted many other laws and regulations relating to various branches of public, political, socio-economic, cultural, educational, and other areas of life of the newly formed Ukrainian State in the West lands of Ukraine. Vigorous organizational measures were taken to implement them. However, ZUNR failed to exist, develop, and strengthen for longer than 8 months: it was occupied by Poland which had a direct military and diplomatic support from the Entente countries. Nevertheless, the legal framework created in ZUNR, as well as ZUNR law development in general, deserves attention and approval even today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Palestinian organizations started to fire rockets on Israel in 2001 and have continued to do so ever since. • I explore how these attacks affected voting patterns in national Israeli elections. • To measure variation in the intensity of the rocket threat over time and across space, I use detailed data on claims for rocket-related property damages. • I find that rocket attacks from Gaza increase support for the right political bloc in Israel. • Recent attacks, initial exposure and geographical proximity lead to stronger effects on voting behavior Citizens in many countries are forced to make their political decisions under the threat of terrorism. This paper explores the effects of rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip on voting patterns in Israeli elections between 1999 and 2015. Relying on a micro-level dataset of claims for rocket-related property damages as a proxy for the severity of the rocket attacks, I find that an additional one thousand claims in a locality increases right-bloc parties' vote-share by about 4 percentage points. Recent attacks, initial exposure and geographical proximity lead to stronger effects on voting behavior. The results are driven by actual exposure of the locality to rocket fire rather than by the mere threat of an attack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Two global voting trends are noted in the electoral studies literature: the exclusion of resident noncitizens and the inclusion of non-resident citizens in national elections. These two research streams are rarely studied together. By analysing both of these trends in the Commonwealth Caribbean, the article reveals how the assumed relationship between citizenship and the right to vote does not always hold. Citizenship is neither necessary nor sufficient to exercise full political rights. The Commonwealth Caribbean thus diverges from global voting trends and illustrates the complexities and changing shape of the relationship between citizenship and the right to vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy attempts to correct can be solved in a more just way, while preserving democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perception of party polarization has a positive impact on political participation. While past research suggests that such impact depends upon people’s information use, empirical evidence is lacking. We used a mediated moderation model to test the multiplicative effect between polarization perception and media use on political participation. The data for analysis came from a survey of 625 representative Hong Kong residents in 2015. Findings show that the impact of perceived party polarization on political participation is contingent upon one’s news attentiveness, and that internal political efficacy serves as a mediator that partially explains the interaction effect. Narrowed gaps in political knowledge, efficacy, and participation were observed between light and heavy news users as perceived party polarization rises. The implications of the findings with respect to political participation, role of news media use, and the formation of efficacy beliefs in the context of party polarization are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disappearance of class voting in post-industrial societies has often been announced in recent decades. Few studies, however, have focused on the self-employed, an occupational category which tends to combine the properties of a social class and a status group. The UK, Italy, and Spain present different traditions but similar levels of class voting in the early 2000s, with a persisting tendency of the self-employed to vote for centre-right parties. These three countries also saw the subsequent growth of “third” parties. Using data on parliamentary elections from the 2004, 2009, and 2014 European Election Studies, we continue to find evidence of this form of class voting, which we relate to the specific political and social dispositions of the self-employed. But we also find a decline during the decade considered, which we impute to ideological convergence of the mainstream left and right parties along the fundamental “workers vs. owners” class cleavage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]