Search

Models of written word recognition in languages using the Roman alphabet assume that a word's visual form is quickly mapped onto abstract units. This proposal is consistent with the finding that masked priming effects are of similar magnitude from lowercase, uppercase, and alternating-case primes (e.g., beard-BEARD, BEARD-BEARD, and BeArD-BEARD). We examined whether this claim can be readily generalized to the 2 syllabaries of Japanese Kana (Hiragana and Katakana). The specific rationale was that if the visual form of Kana words is lost early in the lexical access process, alternating-script repetition primes should be as effective as same-script repetition primes at activating a target word. Results showed that alternating-script repetition primes were less effective at activating lexical representations of Katakana words than same-script repetition primes-indeed, they were no more effective than partial primes that contained only the Katakana characters from the alternating-script primes. Thus, the idiosyncrasies of each writing system do appear to shape the pathways to lexical access. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

Studies using the lexical decision task with English stimuli have demonstrated that homophones are responded to more slowly than nonhomophonic controls. In contrast, several studies using Chinese stimuli have shown that homophones are responded to more rapidly than nonhomophonic controls. In an attempt to better understand the impact of homophony, we investigated homophone effects for Japanese kanji words in a lexical decision task. The results indicated that, whereas a processing disadvantage emerged for homophones when they have only a single homophonic mate (as in the English experiments), a processing advantage occurred for homophones when they have multiple homophonic mates (as in the Chinese experiments). On the basis of these results, we discuss the nature of the processes that may be responsible for producing the processing advantages and disadvantages for homophones., ((c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved.)

It is generally assumed that orthographic-phonological (O-P) consistencies are higher for Japanese kana words than for kanji words and that orthographic-semantic (O-S) consistencies are higher for kanji words than for kana words. In order to examine the validity of these assumptions, we attempted to measure the O-P and O-S consistencies for 339 kana words and 775 kanji words. Orthographic neighbors were first generated for each of these words. In order to measure the O-P consistencies of the words, their neighbors were then classified as phonological friends or enemies, based on whether the characters shared with the original word were pronounced the same in the two words. In order to measure the O-S consistencies, the similarity in meaning of each of the neighbors to the original word was rated on a 7-point scale. Based on the ratings, the neighbors were classified as semantic friends or enemies. The results indicated that both the O-P consistencies for kanji words and the O-S consistencies for kana words were greater than previously assumed and that the two scripts were actually quite similar on both types of consistency measures. The implications for the nature of the reading processes for kana and kanji words are discussed.

Effects of the number of meanings (NOM) and the relatedness of those meanings (ROM) were examined for Japanese Katakana words using a lexical-decision task. In Experiment 1, only a NOM advantage was observed. In Experiment 2, the same Katakana words produced a ROM advantage when Kanji words and nonwords were added. Because the Kanji nonwords consisted of unrelated characters whereas the Kanji words consisted of related characters, participants may have used the relatedness of activated meanings as a cue in making lexical decisions in this experiment, artificially creating a ROM advantage for Katakana words. Consistent with this explanation, no ROM effect for Katakana words was observed in Experiment 3 when the Kanji nonwords consisted of characters with similar (i.e., related) meanings. These results pose a further challenge to the position that the speed of semantic coding is modulated by ROM for ambiguous words., (Copyright 2010 APA, all rights reserved.)

Past research suggests that a time criterion guides responding in speeded word recognition tasks. The time-criterion account has been challenged, however, because it incorrectly predicts equivalent latencies for stimuli of differing difficulty when those stimuli are presented in the same trial block. By requiring participants to perform a lexical decision or naming task but to respond only once they had estimated that 1 sec had elapsed, we investigated the idea that stimulus difficulty effects in response latency might be at least partially due to time perception processes. Consistent with this idea, the participants produced shorter estimates of 1-sec intervals when processing easier stimuli (i.e., time seemed to pass faster when easier stimuli were processed). The implication is that understanding speeded word recognition performance will require looking beyond processes involved in acquiring information about the presented stimulus and examining more general response processes.

We examined the question of whether the sizes of the regularity and lexicality effects in naming can be modulated as a function of filler type (nonwords or low-frequency exception words). The lexicality effect was larger in the exception word filler condition than in the nonword filler condition, but the size of the regularity effect was essentially unaffected by filler type. This pattern is at odds with what is generally assumed to be the predictions from dual-route theories of reading aloud. An attempt was next made to determine whether the dual-route cascaded model of Coltheart, Rastle, Perry, Langdon, and Ziegler (2001) could possibly simulate this pattern when changes were introduced to each of the three parameters that affect the contribution of the nonlexical route. We discuss the implications of these results for the idea that reliance on the lexical and nonlexical routes is under strategic control.

Transposed-letter (TL) nonwords (e.g., jugde) can be easily misperceived as words, a fact that is somewhat inconsistent with the letter-position-coding schemes employed by most current models of visual word recognition. To examine this issue further, we conducted four masked semantic/associative priming experiments, using a lexical decision task. In Experiment 1, the related primes could be words, TL-internal nonwords, or replacement-letter (RL) nonwords (e.g., judge, jugde, or judpe, respectively; the target would be COURT). Relative to an unrelated condition, masked TL-internal primes produced a significant semantic/associative priming effect, an effect that was only slightly smaller than the priming effect for word primes. No effect, however, was observed for RL-nonword primes. In Experiment 2, the TL-nonword primes were created by switching the two final letters of the primes (e.g., judeg). The results again showed a semantic/associative priming effect for word primes, but not for TL-final nonword primes or for RL-nonword primes. Experiment 3 replicated the associative/semantic priming effect for TL-internal nonword primes, with, again, no effect for TL-final nonword primes. Finally, Experiment 4 again failed to yield a priming effect for TL-final nonword primes. The implications of these results for the choice of a letter-position-coding scheme in visual word recognition models are discussed.

The authors report 3 naming experiments using J. D. Zevin and D. A. Balota's (2000) multiple prime manipulation. They used 2 sets of nonword primes (fast and slow) and low-frequency exception word primes to separate the effects of prime speed from those of prime type. The size of the regularity effect was unaffected by prime type. Relative to the low-frequency exception word prime condition, the frequency effect was reduced in the fast, but not in the slow, nonword prime condition. Lexicality effect size was reduced in both nonword prime conditions, a result consistent with the lexical checking strategy described by S. J. Lupker, P. Brown, and L. Colombo (1997). The authors suggest that these results are better explained in terms of S. J. Lupker et al.'s time-criterion account than J. D. Zevin and D. A. Balota's pathway control hypothesis.

We report two naming experiments examining the effects of filler type on the size of regularity and frequency effects. Low-frequency exception words were used as one filler type in both experiments. Their effects were contrasted with the effects of nonword fillers (Experiment 1) and low-frequency regular word fillers (Experiment 2). In both experiments, the size of the regularity effect was unaffected by the filler type manipulation. In contrast, the frequency effect interacted with filler type such that relative to the low-frequency exception filler environment, the size of the frequency effect was reduced in the environment of low frequency regular word fillers, but not in the environment of nonword fillers. These results appear to be better explained in terms of Lupker, Brown, and Colombo's (1997) flexible time-criterion framework than in terms of a pathway control hypothesis (e.g., Zevin & Balota, 2000).

The notion of feedback activation from semantics to both orthography and phonology has recently been used to explain a number of semantic effects in visual word recognition, including polysemy effects (Hino & Lupker, 1996; Pexman & Lupker, 1999) and synonym effects (Pecher, 2001). In the present research, we tested an account based on feedback activation by investigating a new semantic variable: number of features (NOF). Words with high NOF (e.g., LION) should activate richer semantic representations than do words with low NOF (e.g., LIME). As a result, the feedback activation from semantics to orthographic and phonological representations should be greater for high-NOF words, which should produce superior lexical decision task (LDT) and naming task performance. The predicted facilitory NOF effects were observed in both LDT and naming.

In masked priming lexical decision tasks in alphabetic or syllabic script languages, latencies are longer when a word target is primed by a higher frequency neighbor (e.g., blue–BLUR) than when primed by an unrelated word of equivalent frequency (e.g., care–BLUR) – an "inhibitory neighbor priming effect." In contrast, Zhou et al. (1999) demonstrated facilitatory orthographic neighbor priming for two-character Chinese words (e.g., 华丽–华贵). However, Zhou et al. did not control for relative prime-target frequency, which has been shown to be important in experiments when examining languages with other scripts. In the present Experiment 1 word neighbor primes (e.g., 容易-容貌) produced an inhibitory neighbor priming effect when the prime was higher frequency than the target, paralleling effects in other script languages. In further experiments, paralleling those in other script languages, two-character targets primed by nonword neighbors (容待-容貌) or single constituent characters matching the target in either position (容-容貌) showed significant facilitation. These results suggest that lexical activation/competition processes for two-character Chinese words are reasonably similar to those for words in alphabetic/syllabic script languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The experiments reported here used “Reversed-Interior” (RI) primes (e.g., cetupmor-COMPUTER) in three different masked priming paradigms in order to test between different models of orthographic coding/visual word recognition. The results of Experiment 1, using a standard masked priming methodology, showed no evidence of priming from RI primes, in contrast to the predictions of the Bayesian Reader and LTRS models. By contrast, Experiment 2, using a sandwich priming methodology, showed significant priming from RI primes, in contrast to the predictions of open bigram models, which predict that there should be no orthographic similarity between these primes and their targets. Similar results were obtained in Experiment 3, using a masked prime same-different task. The results of all three experiments are most consistent with the predictions derived from simulations of the Spatial-coding model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is now considerable evidence that a letter string can activate semantic information appropriate to its orthographic neighbors (e.g., Forster & Hector's, 2002, TURPLE effect). This phenomenon is the focus of the present research. Using Japanese words, we examined whether semantic activation of neighbors is driven directly by orthographic similarity alone or whether there is also a role for phonological similarity. In Experiment 1, using a relatedness judgment task in which a Kanji word-Katakana word pair was presented on each trial, an inhibitory effect was observed when the initial Kanji word was related to an orthographic and phonological neighbor of the Katakana word target but not when the initial Kanji word was related to a phonological but not orthographic neighbor of the Katakana word target. This result suggests that phonology plays little, if any, role in the activation of neighbors' semantics when reading familiar words. In Experiment 2, the targets were transcribed into Hiragana, a script they are typically not written in, requiring readers to engage in phonological coding. In that experiment, inhibitory effects were observed in both conditions. This result indicates that phonologically mediated semantic activation of neighbors will emerge when phonological processing is necessary in order to understand a written word (e.g., when that word is transcribed into an unfamiliar script). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Predictions from Davis and Lupker's (2006) version of the interactive-activation model (McClelland & Rumelhart, 1981) were tested in four masked priming lexical decision experiments. Ambiguous partial-word primes (i.e., ho#se resembles HOUSE and HORSE) preceded word targets with few neighbours (low-N) or many neighbours (high-N) when the word/nonword discrimination was either easy (Experiment 1A) or difficult (Experiment 1B). In a second experiment, unambiguous partial-word primes (i.e., cl#ff resembles only CLIFF) preceded hermit (i.e., words with no neighbours), low-N, or high-N word targets when the word/nonword discrimination was either easy (Experiment 2A) or difficult (Experiment 2B). The model's predictions are supported by the results for the ambiguous primes, but not by the results for the unambiguous primes, particularly when hermit targets are used. A revised definition of the orthographic neighbourhood of a word and/or different assumptions about the impact of frequency on lexical representations would improve the model's ability to account for the data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is now considerable evidence (e.g., Perea & Lupker, 2003a, 2003b) that transposed-letter nonword primes (e.g., jugde for JUDGE) are more effective primes than replacement-letter nonword primes (e.g., jupte for JUDGE). Recently, Perea and Lupker (2004) demonstrated that, in Spanish, this transposed-letter prime advantage exists only when the transposed letters are consonants (C-C transpositions) and not when they are vowels (V-V transpositions). This vowel-consonant difference causes problems even for models that can successfully explain transposed-letter effects (e.g., SOLAR, Davis, 1999). In Experiment 1 in the present paper, we demonstrated a parallel result in a language with a different syllabic structure (English) in both a masked priming experiment and an unprimed lexical decision task in which the transposed letter strings (e.g., ADACEMY, ACEDAMY) were used as the nonwords. Results in Experiment 2 suggest that at least part of the reason for the vowel-consonant difference is because of the higher letter frequencies of the vowels. Possible alternative interpretations of the vowel-consonant difference are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key issue for any computational model of visual word recognition is the choice of an input coding schema, which is responsible for assigning letter positions. Such a schema must reflect the fact that, according to recent research, nonwords created by transposing letters (e.g., caniso for CASINO), typically, appear to be more similar to the word than nonwords created by replacing letters (e.g., caviro). In the present research, we initially carried out a computational analysis examining the degree to which the position of the transposition influences transposed-letter similarity effects. We next conducted a masked priming experiment with the lexical decision task to determine whether a transposed-letter priming advantage occurs when the first letter position is involved. Primes were created by either transposing the first and third letters (démula-MÉDULA) or replacing the first and third letters (bérula-MÉDULA). Results showed that there was no transposed-letter priming advantage in this situation. We discuss the implications of these results for models of visual word recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In three experiments, we assessed the impact of auditory homophone primes (/swi:t/) on lexical decisions to visually presented low-frequency (suite) and high-frequency (sweet) homophone spellings. In Experiment 1 we investigated the time course of these cross-modal repetition priming effects. Results suggested that low-frequency homophone spellings do not reach the same activation level as nonhomophones, even at long SOAs. There were no differences in priming between high-frequency homophones and nonhomophones. In Experiments 2 and 3 we attempted to eliminate the impact of strategies with lower proportions of repetition primes. Results showed smaller priming effects for both low- and high-frequency homophones than for nonhomophones, suggesting that neither homophone spelling is fully activated. Implications for local and distributed models of word recognition are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonwords created by transposing two adjacent letters (i.e., transposed-letter (TL) nonwords like judge) are very effective at activating the lexical representation of their base words. This fact poses problems for most computational models of word recognition (e.g., the interactive-activation model and its extensions), which assume that exact letter positions are rapidly coded during the word recognition process. To examine the scope of TL similarity effects further, we asked whether TL similarity effects occur for nonwords created by exchanging two nonadjacent letters (e.g., caniso- CASINO) in three masked form priming experiments using the lexical decision task. The two nonadjacent transposed letters were consonants in Experiment 1 (e.g., caniso-CASINO), vowels in Experiment 2 (anamil-ANIMAL) and both consonants and vowels in Experiment 3. Results showed that nonadjacent TL primes produce priming effects (in comparison to orthographic controls, e.g., caviro-CASINO), however, only when the transposed letters are consonants. In a final experiment we examined latencies for nonwords created by nonadjacent transpositions of consonants versus vowels in a lexical decision task. Both types of nonwords produced longer latencies than matched controls, with consonant TL nonwords being more difficult than vowel TL nonwords. The implications of these findings for models having ‘position-specific’ coding schemes as well as for models proposing alternative coding schemes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: According to parallel distributed processing (PDP) models of visual word recognition, the speed of semantic coding is modulated by the nature of the orthographic-to-semantic mappings. Consistent with this idea, an ambiguity disadvantage and a relatedness-of-meaning (ROM) advantage have been reported in some word recognition tasks in which semantic processing is presumed to be required for responding. To further evaluate this idea, we examined ambiguity and ROM effects in lexical decision and semantic categorization tasks. In the lexical decision task, there was an ambiguity advantage but no ROM effect. In the semantic categorization tasks, we used various semantic categories and found a processing time disadvantage for ambiguous words with less related meanings when the decisions were relatively difficult, but observed no effect when the decisions were easier. These results suggest that both the ambiguity disadvantage and the ROM advantage in the semantic categorization tasks are due to decision-making, rather than semantic-coding, processes. The implications of these results for issues concerning the nature of semantic coding and semantic representations are discussed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

An ambiguity disadvantage (slower responses for ambiguous words, e.g., bank, than for unambiguous words) has been reported in semantic tasks (L. R. Gottlob, S. D. Goldinger, G. O. Stone, & G. C. Van Orden, 1999; Y. Hino, S. J. Lupker, & P. M. Pexman, 2002; C. D. Piercey & S. Joordens, 2000) and has been attributed to the meaning activation process. The authors tested an alternative explanation: The ambiguity disadvantage arises from the decision-making process in semantic tasks. The authors examined effects of ambiguity on unrelated trials in a relatedness decision task, because these trials are free from response competition created by ambiguous words on related trials. Results showed no ambiguity effect on unrelated trials (Experiments 2, 3c, and 5c) and an ambiguity disadvantage on related trials (Experiments 3a, 3b, 5a, and 5b). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]