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The Democratic Republic of Congo is the scene of some of the worst atrocities in recent history. However, in the face of traumatic experience, only a minority of people develops symptoms that impair their functioning. The sense of coherence proposed by Antonovsky (1987) is a theoretical construct reflecting an individual's overall wellbeing and ability to cope with stress. This study explores the relationships between sense of coherence, exposure to traumatic events, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and depression. Results suggest an association between a high sense of coherence and high education levels, high income, and positive social relationships. Furthermore, the study found that sense of coherence is inversely correlated with cumulative exposure to violence and symptoms of PTSD and depression.

Context: The 1994 genocide in Rwanda led to the loss of at least 10% of the country's 7.7 million inhabitants, the destruction of much of the country's infrastructure, and the displacement of nearly 4 million people. In seeking to rebuild societies such as Rwanda, it is important to understand how traumatic experience may shape the ability of individuals and groups to respond to judicial and other reconciliation initiatives., Objectives: To assess the level of trauma exposure and the prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and their predictors among Rwandans and to determine how trauma exposure and PTSD symptoms are associated with Rwandans' attitudes toward justice and reconciliation., Design, Setting, and Participants: Multistage, stratified cluster random survey of 2091 eligible adults in selected households in 4 communes in Rwanda in February 2002., Main Outcome Measures: Rates of exposure to trauma and symptom criteria for PTSD using the PTSD Checklist-Civilian Version; attitudes toward judicial responses (Rwandan national and gacaca local trials and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda [ICTR]) and reconciliation (belief in community, nonviolence, social justice, and interdependence with other ethnic groups)., Results: Of 2074 respondents with data on exposure to trauma, 1563 (75.4%) were forced to flee their homes, 1526 (73.0%) had a close member of their family killed, and 1472 (70.9%) had property destroyed or lost. Among the 2091 total participants, 518 (24.8%) met symptom criteria for PTSD. The adjusted odds ratio (OR) of meeting PTSD symptom criteria for each additional traumatic event was 1.43 (95% CI, 1.33-1.55). More respondents supported the local judicial responses (90.8% supported gacaca trials and 67.8% the Rwanda national trials) than the ICTR (42.1% in support). Respondents who met PTSD symptom criteria were less likely to have positive attitudes toward the Rwandan national trials (OR, 0.77; 95% CI, 0.61-0.98), belief in community (OR, 0.76; 95% CI, 0.60-0.97), and interdependence with other ethnic groups (OR, 0.71; 95% CI, 0.56-0.90). Respondents with exposure to multiple trauma events were more likely to have positive attitudes toward the ICTR (OR, 1.10; 95% CI, 1.04-1.17) and less likely to support the Rwandan national trials (OR, 0.90; 95% CI, 0.84-0.96), the local gacaca trials (OR, 0.80; 95% CI, 0.72-0.89), and 3 factors of openness to reconciliation: belief in nonviolence (OR, 0.92; 95% CI, 0.87-0.97), belief in community (OR, 0.92; 95% CI, 0.87-0.98), and interdependence with other ethnic groups (OR, 0.86; 95% CI, 0.81-0.92). Other variables that were associated with attitudes toward judicial processes and openness to reconciliation were educational level, ethnicity, perception of change in poverty level and access to security compared with 1994, and ethnic distance., Conclusions: This study demonstrates that traumatic exposure, PTSD symptoms, and other factors are associated with attitudes toward justice and reconciliation. Societal interventions following mass violence should consider the effects of trauma if reconciliation is to be realized.

In response to the educational challenges countries face after violent conflict, the authors explored the links between larger political processes and decisions about teaching history. The authors focus on secondary schools in Rwanda, where they have been working on educational issues since 2001, and ask the questions: How can material for a history curriculum be developed to avoid propaganda? What tensions surface when teachers negotiate an increasingly repressive political climate? What opportunities can encourage and support democratic teaching and debate about multiple perspectives? Their data come from a case study of an intervention project on teaching history in Rwanda. Their research in Rwanda revealed two tensions related to the influence of ongoing political processes: first, the government's political goal of teaching history to promote a unified Rwandan identity while also emphasizing an understanding of historical evidence and thinking; second, the teaching of history to shape this new national identity while also incorporating the social realities of continuing ethnic identities in productive and nondivisive ways. These tensions were heightened by the government's educational policy, which stipulated that only its official historical narrative should be transmitted. This insistence on having only one official narrative conflicts with another official goal for education reform in Rwanda--to embrace so-called modern, democratic teaching methods that foster skills thought to be essential for successful participation in an increasingly global economy, such as critical thinking and debate. In a postgenocidal context that continues to be marked by repression, the authors found, through their research, that educators may inhibit disagreements--including potentially productive ones--for fear of their erupting into larger and more destructive conflicts. The authors argue that suppressing open debate might actually lay the foundation for further societal violence. (Contains 12 footnotes.)