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This article evaluates the acquisition of directionals in Q'anjob'al, a Western Mayan language of Guatemala. The data come from a longitudinal study of two Q'anjob'al monolingual children of Santa Eulalia, Huehuetenango, Guatemala: Xhuw (1;9–2;5) and Xhim (2;3–3;5). The results show how these children acquire the morphological distribution of motion verbs and directionals in Q'anjob'al. They produce directionals parallel to motion verbs. Xhuw produced more motion verbs than directionals, while Xhim produced more directionals than motion verbs. Despite the omission of tense/aspect and agreement in the verb complex, these children produce two types of suffixes that distinguish motion verbs from directionals. The children acquired three groups of directionals in the following order: DIR3 (teq 'toward X', toq 'away from X') > DIR2 (el 'out' aj 'up' ok 'enter, in' ek' 'pass' ay 'down') > DIR1 (kan 'stay'). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delved into the nature of suffixation in Indonesian morphology, analyzing its crucial role in word formation and semantic variations. The present study investigated suffixation patterns, functions, and productivity by scrutinizing a corpus of Indonesian words, i.e., the Indonesian - Leipzig Corpora Collection (ILCC). This exploration used morphosemantics frameworks, two sets of instruments that consisted of verbal construction and noun construction tester, and empirical data to describe suffixation in Indonesian. The results showed that among the various suffixes that shaped the language's grammatical structure, /-kan/ (50.70% with S-occurrence: 217,208), /-nya/ (19.53% with S-occurrence: 83,648), /-an/ (16% with S-occurrence: 68,524), and /-lah/ (7.76% with S-occurrence: 33,220) emerged as the most prominent ones. Statistically, the mean value of verb suffixation (5.9) was higher than that of noun suffixation (5.6). Among these, /-kan/ primarily signified causation or transformation of a verb into a transitive verb, while /-nya/ indicated possession, /-an/ transformed verbs into nouns, and /-lah/ added an imperative meaning to the word. In terms of semantic modification and nuances, it has been discovered that suffixes like /- kan/, /-i/, and /-an/ change words' semantic structure in complex ways. The suffix /-kan/, which has a causal or transformational function, modifies the meaning of words by signifying the start of an action. Although /-an/ makes it easier for verbs to become nouns, /-i/ aids in objectification or verbalization. The findings of this study offer implications for the field of Indonesian language description, particularly in the areas of suffixal identification and classification, as well as morphological productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nature of head movement has been debated since its discovery (see Dékány 2018 for discussion). While it is generally agreed that head movement (the sort that results in the formation of complex heads) is subject to more stringent locality restrictions than phrasal movement, little else is uncontested. In this article, I will argue that a flexible (but literal) interpretation of Harizanov and Gribanova's (2019) definition of head movement (more specifically, their "amalgamation") is needed to account for the movement of suffixal adjectives (As) in Aleut. These As typically suffix to nominals, but under certain conditions surface in verbs between the root and agreement morphology. I show that these As base-generate as adjuncts of NPs and undergo head movement into the verbal complex. I then explore two theories of word-building which would require only phrasal movement on the part of suffixal As—based on ideas put forth in Julien (2002) and Compton and Pittman (2010)—and conclude that phrasal movement alone is too unrestricted to account for the phenomenon, overgenerating As in unacceptable sites. In contrast, previous theories of head movement are too restrictive, only permitting a head and the head of its complement to form a complex head (e.g., Travis 1984; Embick and Noyer 2001); this excludes heads in adjunct positions, like suffixal As, from participating. However, Harizanov and Gribanova's definition of amalgamation, whereby heads Raise or Lower into the nearest c-commanding or c-commanded head, uniquely allows head movement to occur out of specifier positions and even adjunct positions. This comparative flexibility correctly permits Aleut suffixal As to form a complex head with verbal morphology, explaining their incorporation deep within the structure of the verbal complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Word-final schwa in German inflectional suffixes shows varying realisations in spontaneous speech – from full realisations with varying duration to no realisation. While previous research has identified numerous social, distributional, and grammatical factors influencing the variation of phonetic variables in general, it remains unclear how fine-grained functional differences in different registers specifically affect schwa realisation. In this corpus-based study, we compare schwa realisation in two dialogue registers of German spontaneous speech – free conversation and task-based dialogues – which differ only in their communicative goal and therefore have different functional requirements. We find that schwa is rarely realised, though slightly but significantly more often in free conversation than in task-based dialogue. Other factors also promoting schwa realisation across both situations are less frequent verbs and sequences, and IP-final position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We describe a prosodic pattern that is part of standard negation in five Alaskan Dene languages spoken along the Tanana River. In all of these varieties, this "negative high" differs from the tonal distinction originating from historical constriction. We argue that it originates as an emphatic form of negative verb suffixation that is still partially productive in Koyukon. In the other Tanana languages, the negative high occupies different places in the grammar. In Upper Tanana it is a floating tone which associates with the negative verb stem. In Lower Tanana it is a high tone associated with the negative suffix. In Tanacross and Middle Tanana, the negative high is best analyzed as an utterance-level intonational pattern. To our knowledge, this type of intonational source for tone has not been described for other language families. Our study also has implications for typological studies of standard negation and for language teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the use of Old English for-verbs, categorizing them into emphatic, expanded, and antonymous verbs. It discusses the reasons for the decline of these verbs, including frequency, limitations of the texts they appear in, and dialectal preferences. The study suggests that the decline of for-verbs in Old English occurred gradually and may have been influenced by Latin. The article also highlights the survival of some prefixed and non-prefixed verb pairs in Modern English. [Extracted from the article]

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The article discusses the use of the Komi indefinite pronoun MыйKö 'something' as a discourse marker. It is revealed that synchronically this pronoun is as a multifunctional linguistic unit. When used as a discourse marker, it shows different degrees of embeddedness in the morphosyntactic structure of the utterance: it may function as an agreeing or as a non-agreeing (default) marker. As an agreeing marker, it is inflected for the categories of the constituent it replaces, either fully or partially. Its function is an approximative marker or placeholder. It is shown that the marker most often replaces a substantive component, where, as a rule, it shows grammatical marking fully coinciding with the grammatical design of the replaced unit. In verb substitution, there is either a pronominal verb formed on the basis of the pronoun 'something' with the help of derivational suffixes, or a construction with the auxiliary verb 'to do'. As a non-agreeing marker, the pronoun 'something' is used in the function of a hesitation marker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the practice of self-initiated (same-turn) self-repair in Korean conversation, from a conversation-analytic perspective, with the focus on "post-positionally" conducted morphological repair. Korean is a predicate-final language with an agglutinative system, where a case marker or a sentence-ending suffix post-positionally marking the root (e.g, noun or verb stem) may become a repairable, being replaced by another, rearticulated, or even suppressed or blurred (in the case of turn-finally occurring repair). The analysis suggests that post-positional repair of the root or suffixes (e.g, sentence-ending suffixes or turn-final clausal connectives) embodies the repairer's orientation towards rendering the action more "normatively appropriate" in a way that is more recipient-designed, face-sensitive, or solidary. Explicating the reflexive relationship between the repairable and the repair solution is shown to be a useful comparative-analytic practice, illuminating the way post-positional morphosyntactic elements in Korean are deployed as paradigmatically related interactional resources managing action, face and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, an alternative scenario of the development of German werden future is suggested based on a reanalysis of originally predicative past participles in werden-copula constructions as infinitives. The morpho-phonological and argument-structural preconditions for this reanalysis restrict the types of verbs expected in the relevant bridging contexts to certain strong and unaccusative verbs, which is supported by the results of a comprehensive corpus analysis of werden constructions in Old High German and Old Low German. At the same time, this scenario may explain the diachronic and areal distribution of werden future by virtue of the crucial role it assigns to the ge- prefix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a corpus-based study of the prefix /me(N)-/ in Indonesian, a productive affix used to form predicative constructions. The analysis was based on the Indonesian - Leipzig Corpora Collection (ILCC). It explored the prefix's distribution, functions, and productivity, focusing on its role in encoding semantic and syntactic features. The results showed that the prefix /me(N)-/ was predominantly used to derive verbs, accounting for over 68,7% at the mean value of 7,1. However, /me(N)-/ was also employed to derive adjectives, albeit less frequently (19.4%), at the mean value of 6,3, and about 12% of forming new words from noun stems (mean value was about 5,9). Semantically, the prefix can uniquely express causative (49,24% at a mean value of 43), instrumental (11,45% at a mean value of 10), reflexive (19,47 at a mean value of 17), possessive/state meanings (10,31% at a mean value of 9), and reciprocal (9,54% at a mean value of 8,3). Derived verbs with the prefix /me(N)-/ had syntactic functions influenced by their semantic meaning. Some of the most common and distinctive syntactic functions of /me(N)-/ are form monovalent (29,18% having a mean value of 27,33), bivalent (48,40% having a mean value of 45,33), and trivalent (22,42% having a mean value of 21). The study demonstrated that /me(N)-/ was highly productive. Future research could examine the cognitive and processing mechanisms involved in understanding /me(N)-/-derived words. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the diachrony of the Basque marker bait-, which is a verbal prefix in subordinate clauses, but also has other functions: for example, it appears in independent clauses and indefinite pronouns. In subordinate clauses, it is used in two ways. First, it co-occurs with clause-initial conjunctions in reason, manner or result clauses or with pronouns in relative clauses. Secondly, it is used on its own, in relative, reason, result and complement clauses (with a limited group of verbs, such as emotive factive predicates or predicates of happening). The article combines evidence from a corpus study (6822 examples from 16th- to 20th-century texts) and internal reconstruction to (1) determine if and in what way the subordinator bait- and the affirmative bai 'yes' can be diachronically related, and (2) try to establish diachronic relations between the functions of bait-. It is proposed that the missing link between the subordinator and the affirmative particle might be a manner expression bai which had anaphoric functions. The marker bait- emerged as a reanalyzed form of the manner expression, which then gradually and through various pathways spread to different types of subordinate clauses and was reanalyzed as a subordinator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Route Educational & Social Science Journal (Ress Journal) is the property of Ress Academy Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the phenomenon of tonogenesis is well represented in the literature, diachronic tone change in already-tonal languages has received less attention. This paper considers two types of tonal morphology used to mark the "potential" inflectional category on verbs in Coatec Zapotec (aka Di′zhke′). Some verbs are marked with upstep. Coatec upstepped tones are emergent tonal contrasts that are developing out of high register allotones which assimilated to a historical high tone on a now-deleted preceding syllable. Other verbs display patterns of tone ablaut such that a verb with underlying low or falling tone surfaces with high or rising in the potential. Both upstep and tone ablaut in Coatec can be traced to an earlier floating high tone that could dock onto different syllables according to a set of ranked constraints. Using a combination of internal and comparative reconstruction, details of the earlier tonal system are revealed. This is the first published treatment of Proto-Zapotec tone since Swadesh (1947) and the first paper to address tone in Proto-Zapotecan and Proto Core Zapotec. *ʔ is revealed to have been a consonant through the Core Zapotec period, suggesting that the complex systems of phonation contrasts found in some Central Zapotec languages are a recent development. Cases of tonal contrasts developing out of phonation contrasts are known from Southeast Asia, but Zapotec phonation contrasts arose out of interaction between the glottal consonant and pre-existing tonal contrasts. An exploration of the morphological environments conducive to upstep leads to new discoveries about Zapotecan derivational voice prefixes and reveals the origins of perfective allomorphy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study tests the morphological gradience theory on Russian prefixed verbs. With the help of a specially designed experiment, I offer evidence that verbs with prefixes that have prepositional counterparts and verbs with prefixes that exist only as bound morphemes reveal significant differences in terms of their morphological decomposition. In the pronunciation of native speakers, there tends to be a significantly longer silent period between prepositional prefixes and bases than between unprepositional prefixes and bases due to the compositional nature of the former and the non-compositional nature of the latter. Drawing on these findings, I contend that Russian prefixed verbs can be analysed as constructional schemas and that the degree of their morphological decomposition depends upon the different levels of activation of their sequential and lexical links. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first person singular indefinite or non-definite of Hungarian verbs that end in -ik shows variation between the regular -k suffix and the -m suffix, used otherwise in the definite. This variation is systematic and subject to metalinguistic awareness. Our study relies on previous quantitative work, a frequency dictionary compiled from the new Hungarian Webcorpus, as well as a forced-choice elicitation experiment to assess the role of word frequency, word length, derivational endings, and across-form similarity in shaping this variation. We find that first person singular indefinite variation is largely defined by natural categories: verbs that look similar will also show a similar preference to -k/-m. This pattern is attested in the webcorpus as well as in participant responses in the elicitation task. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study describes the analyses of derivational affixes in Ọgba Language. It particularly examines the derivational operations (role) of affixes in the Language. It shows how certain grammatical ideas or notions like reduplication, prefixation and suffixation, interfixation, prefix and miscellaneous coinages and derivative tone are marked by affixes in Ọgba. Some of the derivative affixes (morphemes) in the language used to arrive at this are as follow: ẹ, a, I, o, ọ, u, m, n marking different coinages. Other linguistics processes affected by morphological operations in the language include the derivation of the noun and verb with interfix; coping the consonant of the verb root to construct partial reduplication and tone as derivative morphemes. We believe that this research work would be significant in the development of the Ọgba language, and most pertinently, increase the zeal for the preservation of the language in Rivers State and Nigeria in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a recent focus in studies of English morphology on the concept of extravagance as applied to word formation, and on the interplay between extravagance and creativity. This article examines this issue, taking as a test case the phenomenon of double suffixation of phrasal verbs. While double-ER suffixation (fixer-upper, helper-outer) has attracted substantial interest in the literature, less has been said about other suffixes. This article provides data that demonstrate that double suffixation occurs with -ERY, -AGE, -EE and -ABLE suffixes. As such, double suffixation can be seen as a genuine word formation template, rather than a phenomenon restricted to a single suffix. Furthermore, examination of the data enables a reflection on the interactions between the concepts of productivity, creativity and extravagance. We propose to see these concepts not just as three overlapping notions, but rather as points on a creativity scale. To underscore the parallels between them, we propose to see them successively as F-creativity, E-creativity and X-creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Morphophonological derivations are often simultaneously isomorphic to both surface morphotactics, cyclic phonology, and to abstract morphosemantic structure. On the surface, passive verbs in Armenian violate this isomorphism. Verbs consist of a bound stem plus suffixes. Passive stems are pre-consonantal and seem morphologically derived from roots, but their phonological structure is only predictable from the pre-vocalic stem of active verbs. I capture this predictability by combining cyclicity with affix truncation (Aronoff 1976). The interaction between cyclicity and affix deletion causes the opaque overapplication of phonological rules in passives, because such rules applied cyclically early in the active verb. This approach is a cyclic alternative to using Output-Output constraints. However, our cyclic analysis likewise predicts *ABA effects in the morphosemantics of passives, among other non-phonological dependencies. Thus, our analysis creates a cyclic dependency between two bound stems that is visible across grammatical modules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the naming system, form, and significance of pakdaengang in Makassar culture. The results indicate that pakdaengang is an inherited trait and a standard requirement for members of the Makassar ethnic group eligible to bear it. For some people who are not ethnically Makassarese but have pakdaengang because of marriage, their services, accomplishments, or other contributions to the development of the region in which they reside, pakdaengang is inseparable from the embedding of words that are commonly categorized as "word classes" in linguistics. Pakdaengang comprises a single word. Nouns, verbs, adjectives, and numbers such as pakdaengang undoubtedly serve a specific purpose. In addition to using the basic form, many affixes consisting of the prefixes ma-, pa-, ni-, and ta- are also employed. In addition, the preposition ri is used in conjunction with the place-designating word "pakdaengang." Men and women can also participate in pakdaengang. Pakdaengang, in a masculine term, relates to words that mean activity or protective work. Women, on the other hand, are attracted to the connotations of beauty and gentleness. The ma- and pa- prefixes in pakdaengang are typically attached to men. Whereas women typically employ the prefixes ni and ta. In the names of objects, properties, activities, and locations, pakdaengang represents a wish or prayer for goodness and safety. In addition, there is a straightforward affirmation of pakdaengang. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Kamang (Alor-Pantar, Indonesia), some verbs alternate between indexing the S or P argument with a prefix (from several different series) and occurring unprefixed; that is, Kamang has differential argument indexing. Through a qualitative study of a spoken-language corpus, this paper investigates the alternation between one of the prefix series and zero-marking. Previously described as indicating increased patientivity on intransitive motion and posture verbs, the alternation is here analysed in terms of a shift in event view: unprefixed verbs express events holistically, while prefixed verbs shift the viewpoint towards the "elaboration phase", the temporal and causal middle and end of an event. Elaboration constructions are associated with resultative and completive semantics and, relatedly, greater affectedness of the undergoer argument. Cross-linguistically, such constructions (e.g., resultatives and middles) are frequently subject to lexical restrictions, and the same applies to the Kamang alternation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a development of evidential categories derived from a verb related to the auditory sense in the evidential system attested in rGyalthang Tibetan varieties. The language varieties under study possess a morphological distinction of at least five evidentials in the access-to-information category and two evidentials in the source-of-information category. The discussion focuses on one morpheme derived from the Literary Tibetan verb grag 'resound, hear' used for both categories, and examines its process of grammaticalisation and degrammaticalisation. Elicited data illustrate the following functions: (1) grag as a nonvisual sensory evidential suffix that was further degrammaticalised as a copulative nonvisual sensory verb stem; (2) grag as a hearsay marker in a separate syntactic slot, which extended from (1); and (3) grag as a lexical verb stem meaning 'hear' [the common origin to (1) and (2)], which underwent two grammaticalisation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experiential constructions is an understudied topic in western Austronesian languages. The focus is on Northern Amis (Formosan), with some crosslinguistic comparison. In Amis, experiential constructions are derived by a syncretic suffix –en, which is also an Undergoer Voice suffix. In experiential constructions, –en is suffixed to stative-intransitive verbs compatible with experiences, and functions as an applicative voice that licenses an extra-thematic experiencer marked as the nominative argument, generally with adverse meaning. Though reminiscent of adversative passives in some Asian languages, experiential constructions in Amis are not passives, nor are they standard Undergoer Voice –en constructions for two main reasons: (i) they are restricted to stative and intransitive stems; (ii) their argument structure and case-marking are different. It is argued that the source of Amis experiential constructions is a Proto-Austronesian adversative *ka- ... -an/-en construction (Blust, Robert. 1999. Notes on Pazeh phonology and morphology. Oceanic Linguistics 38(2). 321–365) and that Amis innovated by creating a verbal ma- ... -en experiential applicative construction from that originally non-finite construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses verb structure and inflection in Kagayanen language which is a Western Austronesian language spoken in the central Philippines. Topics discussed include the inflectional process in Kagayanen verbs, overall verb structure and the root. Also discussed are inflectional affixation and conversational omission of inflectional affixes.

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The verbal suffix ‑(a)bad is a frequent form in Australian Kriol and is well attested across all described varieties of the language. Despite the prevalence of this suffix, its precise semantics have so far gone undescribed in the literature. In this article, we present a semantic analysis of this suffix, drawing on data from a variety of Kriol spoken in the north-east Kimberley region of Western Australia. We argue that the diverse set of readings associated with ‑(a)bad can be best unified under an analysis of this form as a marker of verbal plurality (i.e. pluractionality). The suffix derives a set of plural events from a modified verb stem, which then interacts with aspect and argument structure to produce a wide range of readings, particularly readings of temporal, participant, and spatial plurality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The corresponding German construction to English let alone is geschweige denn with a meaning of 'and even more/less so'. For present-day German, the construction is described as a coordinating conjunction, the use of which is tied to certain usage conditions, such as negative contexts. The construction is idiomatic and can be described as a form-function pairing in a Construction Grammar framework. This paper describes the origin and development of the idiomatic construction from a diachronic perspective. The data analyzed comes from the core corpus of the German Text Archive (Deutsches Textarchiv; DTA), occasionally complemented by the extension corpora of the DTA. It is shown that the construction evolves from verb phrases such as ich geschweige ('I remain silent'), which are often used with a genitive complement or a dass-clause complement ('that-clause'). One crucial aspect of the development of the coordinating conjunction is the loss of the filling of the nominative complement, usually ich ('I'), with geschweige and the loss of ge- prefixes in inflected verb forms, which gradually leads to a change of the verb form to ich schweige, while the conjunction fossilizes the form prefixed with ge-. Furthermore, over time, the coordinating conjunction denn wins against the competition by dann and other words to form geschweige denn. The paper also traces the development of the idiomatic verb phrase ganz zu schweigen von, which happens in parallel to that of geschweige denn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the defining morphological properties of nouns and adjectives of Dagbani (a Gur/Mabia language of northern Ghana) and related languages is the presence of suffixes that mark number (singular or plural) as well as serve as the basis for noun classification. The typical regular noun or adjective (e.g. bi-a 'a child') consists of a bound root (bi-) providing the lexical meaning, and a suffix (-a) which indicates the singular number of the noun. In plural form, the suffix is replaced by a different one that marks plurality: (bi-hi). In this paper, we show that while this broad description is generally accepted, it is much weaker than assumed in previous studies, with many inconsistencies. As our main goal, we offer a much broader analysis of the morphological and syntactic functions of the nominal suffixes. We show that these suffixes are primarily there to project lexical words as nouns and adjectives and should be referred to as nominal suffixes used to inflect inherent nouns and derive nouns and adjectives from verbs. The nominal suffixes are also crucial to distinguishing between different compound nouns and noun phrases. The paper is largely descriptive, with no specific theoretical approach assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the formal correspondences between the members of verb pairs participating in the noncausal/causal alternation in Kagulu, a Bantu language from Tanzania. Our investigation shows that Kagulu has a predominance of equipollent verb pairs, with the anticausative and causative correspondences following close behind. We argue that, diachronically, the causative correspondence was much more prominent than it is in present-day Kagulu. However, due to morphophonological changes triggered by the historical causative suffix *-i, a significant number of verb pairs that are diachronically causative can be synchronically reanalyzed as equipollent. This study highlights the complexity of diachronic morphology in synchronic analyses of comparative-typological phenomena such as the noncausal/causal alternation, and contributes to the growing body of research on noncausal/causal verb pairs in African languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the semantic and syntactic properties of French deverbal adjectives ending in ¬-ant, and shows that a subpart of these forms, while behaving as adjectives with regards to agreement and predicative position, are episodic and imperfective, similarly to present participles, whose suffix is formally similar. We first observe the various readings of -ant adjectives, i.e. dispositional, potential and habitual (Fábregas, Antonio. 2016. Deconstructing the non-episodic readings of Spanish deverbal adjectives. Word Structure 9-1. 1–41; Fábregas, Antonio. 2020. Morphologically derived adjectives in Spanish. John Benjamins), and show that they parallel those of the corresponding verbs when they occur in generic sentences. We then show that some of these -ant adjectives refer to specific events and that the sentences in which they occur are semantically equivalent to those containing imperfective or progressive verbs forms, as shown by their positive reaction to the imperfective tests. Turning to the verbal bases of episodic -ant adjectives, we observe that they derive from a restricted number of atelic verbs, that surface without direct objects, have non-active subjects, and include a degree component in their lexical meaning. We finally provide a syntactic analysis of -ant adjectives, that relies on the idea that they contain both verbal and adjectival projections in their inner structure. We hypothesize that episodic adjectives are built by the means of a particular adjectival -ant marker, that maintains the imperfective value of the present participle marker. By contrast, other -ant adjectives are built by a homophonous adjectival suffix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to fill in a long missing piece in the paradigmatic word-formation research: a set of rival affixes whose members are differentiated in meaning. We argue that such a set can be found in English derivational adjectivalization, in the affixal rivalry between the adjectivalizing suffixes -ed and -y. Using the traditional method of doublet comparison (Aronoff 1976, 2020), we reveal that adjectives of the form Xed and those of the form Xy (X standing for the source word) differ in the scale type. Xed adjectives are closed-scale adjectives, but Xy adjectives are totally open-scale adjectives. The scale-type difference explains why Xed adjectives combine with certain degree modifiers, whereas Xy adjectives do not. Furthermore, we show that the rival affixes are doubly differentiated in the deverbal domain in terms of the said output scale type and the input base selection. In this domain, the major sources of the closed-scale -ed adjectives and the open-scale -y adjectives are result and manner verbs, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In instances where verbs that start with vowel sounds and a vowel prefix is attached, the hiatus is repaired through resyllabification, i.e. the manifestation of an initial underlying sound called a glottal catch. This sound fills the onset position of vowel initial verbs in Sepedi, and is responsible for the drastic alternation when the verb comes into contact with a reflexive prefix or an object concord. This article examines the effect of morphophonological realisation on inflected verbal roots with initial vowel sounds in Sepedi. The data collected through documents and semi-structured interviews shows that the glottal catch makes verbs follow the CV syllable pattern. The vowel reflexive prefix which threatens to create a hiatus is repaired through epenthesis by adding a sound to the interior of a word (at the beginning of prosthesis). This repair strategy ensures that the CV syllable structure of Sepedi is maintained. This article provides new data that offers innovative understanding of Sepedi on the concepts such as epenthesis and hiatus, relating to alternations in morphophonological environments using the optimality theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Malayic languages, prefixes derived from Proto-Malayic *(mb)AR- are characterized by an unusual multifunctionality pattern. On the one hand, continuators of *(mb)AR- may encode functions that are typical of middle markers across languages. On the other hand, they are used as denominal verb formatives. The aim of this article is to provide a diachronic explanation for such an unusual combination of functions. The denominal verbalizing function of *(mb)AR- appears to be primary, and a diachronic scenario can be sketched through which a denominal verb formative has extended to cover a portion of the functional space cross-linguistically encoded by middle markers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to recharacterize the distribution of two suffixes in Common Turkic, the reflexive -(I)n and the reciprocal -(I)š. Despite having quite distinct sources (the former as a suffix employed in the derivation of intransitive verbs, the latter a plural marker), these two suffixes have fallen into a somewhat overlapping distribution in the modern Turkic languages. They share a range of middle-like functions, and so they are characterized here as a bipartite middle voice system. Many of these functions have become peripheral, however, and the system increasingly consists of a class of verbs with deponent paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Lexicographical investigation, carried out in the drafting of the verbs renodo and renudo in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, can be useful for textual criticism by its proposing of new conjectures or its explanation of existing ones, by reconstructing the history and the use of a given word. This paper discusses Harm Marien Poortvliet's conjecture renudatam pharetris in place of the transmitted renodatam pharetris in Valerius Flaccus 5.380, which helps us better understand the meaning and the use of the verb renudo in the text and the different value of the prefix re- in renodo and renudo, for which we also consider other contexts such as Hor. epod. 11.28. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study offers insights into the similarities and differences between the zero suffix and overt English suffixes involved in verb-to-noun and noun-to-verb derivation. It is based on morphosemantically related pairs of noun and verb senses released as a Princeton WordNet standoff file, which are annotated with a set of fourteen semantic relations further enriched with information about the affix(es) used in the derivation process. We compare the zero suffix and the overt suffixes with respect to their overall frequency in the dataset and their frequency as per semantic relation. We describe their semantics in terms of the relation between the base and the derived word senses, and of the semantic classes of words involved in affixal and zero derivation. We argue that the zero suffix is highly underspecified, occurring with all semantic relations, even though it manifests some preferences with respect to both the semantic relations expressed and the semantic classes of words it attaches to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word-formation field of an emotional concept is an ordered system of categorical derivational values that reflect cognitive criterions and are expressed with help of derivational means. Having analyzed the derivatives included in the family of words of the noun 'PECHAL' [sadness] as well as its synonyms, we can note that the most significant micro fields in the structure of the word-formation field of the Russian concept 'PECHAL' [sadness] are 'Action' and 'Attribute, Quality' which confirms the importance of these cognitive criterions in representations of emotional concepts. The intensity is manifested indirectly due to derivative verbs with prefixes vs- (vz-), na -, ras-. The micro field 'Person' lies on the periphery of the word-formation field: all derivatives with the value of a 'Person' are not stylistically neutral. The analysis of the historical development of the word-formation field of the noun naming the concept showed that, on the one hand, the number of its derivatives is being reduced and, on the other hand, the interaction of cognitive criterions is being intensified at the word-formation level since many derivatives can express several categorical derivational values (for example, an action and intensity). The novelty of the suggested approach lies in the fact that building a model of the word-formation field of the concept enables us to talk about the specifics of this section of the nominative field, to describe the word-formation processes, to show the interaction of different ways of word-building, and to try to establish the dependence of the structure of the word-formation field on the type of the concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a first description of verbal number in Idi, a language of the Pahoturi River family spoken in Western Province, Papua New Guinea. Idi shows an intricate system of marking verbal number, evident in verb stems and two sets of suffixes occurring in different positions on the verb, based on a distinction between nonplural (1 or 2) versus plural (more than 2). Verbs also agree in person and number with core arguments; this system of nominal number is distinguishing singular (1) from nonsingular (more than 1). Elements from the two systems are combined to arrive at composite number values for both events and participants. In addition, verbal number interrelates with a lexical aspectual distinction of punctual/telic versus durative/atelic, manifesting on verb stems and in inflectional patterns. The paper provides evidence for the thesis that verbal number in Idi is not merely lexically determined, but largely inflectional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]