Search

Author(s): Sadikoglu Asan, Hatice; Ozsoy, Ahsen | Abstract: The phenomenon of urban informality has coincided with rapid urbanization in Turkey from the 1950s onward. By the urban transformation act that was presented in 2012, formal developments and activities have increased in informal areas. Although recent activities are legal/formal, they have caused the reproduction of informality in these areas. With focusing on this spontaneous collaboration of formal and informal activities, this article seeks to understand the new urban fabric that was created by formal and informal builders who are both rule-breakers and rule-makers. The research was carried out in the Guzeltepe neighborhood, a complex neighborhood with a mix of squatter houses and renewal areas. The field study was conducted from 2014 to 2017 with site visits, photo analysis, and archival research. We will reveal and discuss legalization and upgrading processes, and the effects of this transformation. We will then analyze how informality operates as a logic of urban life.

2nd International Conference on Energy and Environment - Bringing together Engineering and Economics (ICEE) -- JUN 18-19, 2015 -- Guimaraes, PORTUGAL, WOS: 000379409300099, After industrial revolution, raise in the immigration to city centers caused squatter problem in out of the city that increased rapidly. Urban fabric had nonhomogenous view as new settlements that built with new technological developments and the other settlements that built by human with their own opportunities. Urban transformation projects became important to prevent this problem that caused degeneration in urban fabric. Although urban transformation projects are positive about saving back the degenerated areas to the city, it couldn't be successful because of not being inconvenience for the social sustainability criterion. Karapinar Prevention of Squatter Project that began in 2009 in Eskisehir, is an example of the current topic. Within the context of this study, the project area has been visited and a survey has been conducted with families. In this article, the survey outcomes has been analyzed and examined about social sustainability. Aim of the project is reminding social sustainability that must be considered important for new urban transformation projects., Univ Minho, Sch Engn, Univ Porto, Sch Econ & Management

The urban transformation shows its effects world wide, and changes spatial and social conditions of cities, but Turkey faces the worst outcomes of this planning system. In every city, urban transformation projects mainly improve the life conditions of upper classes , albeit we can notice some practices focusing on low classes, as well.However in Turkey, the urban transformation projects not only lacks any democratic, participative or social, goals; but also tries to gain the most possible profit for the private sector. As a result, , we see urban social movements protesting this uninclusive planning system in Turkey, especially in Istanbul.Since urban transformation projects in Turkey mainly focus on the areas that experience the property or neighborhood issues, the ghetto affected the moost by these projects. Taken into account that ghetto inhabitants are experienced with urban social protests life-long; the most powerful disapproval against the urban transformation projects are observed in these kinds of neighborhoods.Ghetto inhabitants describe urban transformation projects as “non participative”, “non focused on inhabitants” and they oppose against them in two different ways, informal or juridical. These movements become more and more visible in urban Istanbul.In this context, the aim of this study is to analyze the urban social movements in Istanbul raised against the urban transformation. Although the opposing groups are composed of many nongovernmental organizations, university students, academics, international organizations, I rather focus on residents who are influenced directly by these projects and concentrate on organized societal movements of the city inhabitants. Briefly, the ghetto inhabitants are the research object of this dissertation.During my study, I addressed some questions such as “Who are against the urban transformation?, Why are they against it?, What are the aims of opponents?, How can they oppose? , What do they do to institutionalize their opposition in neighborhoods?” and exposed the features of anti – urban transformation behaviors in slums in İstanbul. While answering these questions, I posed some hypotheses and try to prove them:-The slum residents opposing urban transformation have been trying to protect their lifestyle. - The residents cannot be called as conservatives, since they are open to new ideas and to work with other groups.-They tend to form neighborhood associations and become organized under one roof.So in slums, there have been seen a common attitude, which can be described as not constant, not having a particular leader, dominant ideology, or coordination . This study aims to analyze this new behavior, which is against urban decisions.But as Castells says: “While researching the movements against the urban planning systems, considering them only as some consumer reactions is not enough. We also have to analyze the relation between social contradictions and their movements’ aim.” So, we can say that in this dissertation, movements against urban planning system will be investigated by correlating their social conditions and aims. Urban social movement will be examined through Istanbul. Choosing Istanbul has some several important reasons. First of all, Istanbul is a strategic hub, which has been among major global cities, and bears the characteristics of global cities. Locally and internationally it should be described as a sign post for capital hosts, attracting the attention of fund groups.Istanbul is the city, where migrants try to survive or habitants who were pushed out of capitalist system because of their ethnic origin, religion or sect. They can only riddance by their social network or standing together.İstanbul stands out with these characteristiscs, which make the community more ‘free’ but on the other hand, ‘conflicted. The fact that Istanbul possesses both the government constraint and the counterview makes it one of the most convenient cities for the study. The general info, which was obtained from all of the ghettos in İstanbul, ends with concurrentdetailed research in Kazımkarabekir district in Sarıyer .The reasons to choose Kazımkarabekir can be listed as follows:-The district, which is composed of many ethnic groups, has their own associations-The relationships in the neighbourhood are very strong.-Socialist groups are replaced with ideological groups -District is located on the sea side of Sarıyer, which is one of the attractions of high-income group.-Although there have not seen any ongoing urban plans around the quarters of Kazımkarabekir , experiences gained from other ghettos made , the district community alert and already rised an opposition against urban transformation.This dissertation comprised of three mains chapters. Our first chapter includes an historical context about Turkish planning systems, second is about the urban social movement especially against the planning decisions and the final chapter produces our research results about Kazımkarabekir neighborhood making a synthesis with the previous two chapters. In the first chapter, primarily emphasize on Turkey urbanization, describing it informal and analyzing in 4 periods. First period of urbanization, is a result of the formation of nation-state; and this is an important part of modernization of Turkey. Second period begins after the Second World War, and indicates the beginning of the neo-liberalization of the state. Third is the fastest urbanization period of Turkey, in this period we appear a huge increase on urban rents. In that the final period of the urbanization beginning in the late 90’. This period changes all the urban areas and social structures. Regeneration and transformation projects cause the gentrification.The second chapter of study focuses on the sharp shift of informal urbanization process to a capital based urban regeneration. Our new urbanization practice, which is not unique or integral, is now embodied by the value of change. That new urbanization practice had a great reaction of the inhabitants, occasionally demonstrated by serious protests, trials and petitions as well. Even there are several arguments rising from disagreed groups, they present a distinctive overlapping on inequity, the lack of public participation and injustice debates. In respect to this, first of all, the second section theoretically argued the social and urban movement. This debate aimed to reveal how class struggles of a society are turned into urban public movements. Afterwards, similar protests against public interferences of different societies from all over the world are examined by aiming to find the common characteristics of the acts. Lastly, determinations about ghetto neighborhoods’ historical experiments of urban actions and current appearance of Istanbul are taken into consideration. The section includes a table of the group of actors against urban regeneration that followed by the comments about the ghetto neighborhoods’ actions. In addition to the various of arguments about urban regeneration, there are various of contrary acts. It should be admitted that the struggle of ghetto neighborhoods are intended on the right of conserving the housing and the way of life.In this regard, commitment to the neighborhood, having good affairs with the neighbors, countrymen networks and promises of the urban municipality are the important factors that affect the power of the resistance. The character of the campaign can be determined by the other effective factors, such as ethnical and religious balance, political view and the activities of the dominant political groups within the neighborhood. The third chapter that consists of three sections focuses on the field study of the Kazimkarabekir neighborhood. In the first section, the physical and social characteristics are detailed. Especially, investments in the neighborhood within the last 10 years targeting high income leveled residents and the factory shut downs are listed. On the other hand, planning process is checked and the neighborhood relevant plans are examined.In the second section, resistance movement and its historical basis are examined; social solidarity networks and demand based movements are presented. Thus, the way of the inhabitants ‘neighborhood’ perceptions, such as political view, ethnical identity or generation difference, are defined. In the last section, inner dynamics and public relations of the neighborhood union are examined. The opinion of the local habitants about the union and the institutionalization of the movement are stated.Nonetheless, according to different perceptions of neighborhoods, political views or ethnical relations and generation contrasts, manners of claiming neighborhood has marked. At the last chapter, internal and external relationships of neighborhood association is studied, as well as the thoughts of the neighborhood inhabitants about the association and the institutionalization of the formation has been emphasized. In conclusion, it would not be wrong to say the activity in slum areas is related with the previous slum movements or maybe continuation of them. However the new- slum movement is being shaped, in a way that inhabitants utter their demands freely, concerning about environmental, cultural issues or other neighborhoods. It is difficult to say a movement which contains plenty of different communities has a strong organization structure. Still, one of the features of the slum movement is, in an urgent case, whichever political view people support or whatever ethnical identity they belong, people take part in that movement.

Tez (Yüksek Lisans) -- İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 2010, Thesis (M.Sc.) -- İstanbul Technical University, Institute of Science and Technology, 2010, Gecekondular özellikle 20. yüzyılın ortalarına doğru, gelişmemiş ve gelişmekte olan ülkelerde görülmeye başlanmıştır. Ülkemizde kırdan kente iş bulma umuduyla göç eden insanların, ekonomik durumları kentte konut edinmelerine olanak sağlayamamıştır. Bu nedenle bu insanlar, özellikle kentin çeperlerinde, ancak çalıştıkları yere mümkün olduğunca yakın, tek katlı, derme çatma, sağlıksız “masum” konutlar inşa etmişlerdir. İzlenen yanlış politikalar sonucu giderek büyüyen ve bir bakıma kenti ele geçiren gecekondu alanları, günümüzde özellikle “dönüşüm” adı altında kent yaşamına entegre edilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Yapılan çalışma, bu gelişmeler ışığında, gecekondunun ortaya çıkışı, gelişimi, bu alanların yarattığı ve yaşadığı sorunlar ile bu sorunlara getirilebilecek çözümler üzerine vurgu yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Ülkemizde bu sorunlara getirilen çözümlerin ne tür faydalar ve/veya zararlara yol açtığı ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır. Değinilecek bu noktalar ışığında, gecekondu alanlarına ne tür çözümler üretilebileceği ve bu alanların kent yaşamına ne şekilde entegre edilebileceği, dönüşümlere “karşı duran” Karanfilköy ve “dönüştürülen” Zeytinburnu örnekleri ile ilişkilendirilerek değerlendirilmiştir. Bu kapsamda yapılan çalışmada, dönüşüm adı altında yapılan müdahalenin, bu iki farklı bölge üzerinde nasıl işlediği, dönüşüm müdahalelerinde göz önünde bulundurulan ve bulundurulmayan etkenler ile birlikte ne ölçüde başarıya ulaştığı irdelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmalar sonucunda; ülkemizde ve özellikle İstanbul’da, gecekondu alanlarında yapılan dönüşüm çalışmalarına, bölgede yaşayan halkın gerektiği ölçüde katılmadığı ve çalışmalar hakkında yeterince bilgilendirilmediği görülmüştür. Dolayısı ile dönüşüm çalışmalarının, planlama açısından istenilen sonuca ulaştığını söylemek mümkün değildir. Zeytinburnu örneğinde, halk neredeyse tamamen planlama çalışmaları dışında bırakılarak, “dönüşüm kurbanları” haline getirilmiştir. Karanfilköy’de ise halkın dayanışması ve kurdukları derneğin de yardımları ile dönüşüm kurbanı olmaktan bir nebze de olsa kurtulmuş, seslerini duyurmayı başarmışladır. Karanfilköy’de gerçekleşen bu dayanışma örneği, ülkemizde özellikle dönüşüm uygulamaları adına olumlu bir adım olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bununla birlikte, Zeytinburnu’nda gerçekleştirilen dönüşümde halkın ve yerel yönetimin sıklıkla karşı karşıya gelmesi, dönüşüm çalışmalarında halk – yerel yönetim işbirliğinin ve iletişiminin halen tamamıyla oturmamış olduğunu göstermektedir. Dönüşüm çalışmalarının başarıya ulaşması için bu işbirliğinin ne derece önemli olduğu ön plana çıkarılmıştır., Gecekondus have begun to be seen in undeveleoped or developing countries, especially in the middle of 20th century. In our country, the economic situation of people, immigrating from the rural areas to cities with the hope of finding a job, could not let them to have a house in the city. Therefore, these people started building one-storey, jerry-built, unhealthy “innocent” houses in the outer region of the city, yet as close as possible to their workplaces. Growing as a result of wrong policies and seizing the city, gecekondu areas are trying to be integrated to urban life, under the name of “transformation”. With this study, it is aimed to highlight the emergence and development of gecekondus and the issues created and concerned by gecekondu areas, with the solutions that can be made to solve these problems. It is aimed to emphasize the consequences that are caused by the solutions offered to these areas in our country. Integrated with the cases of “standing against transformation” Karanfilköy and “transformed” Zeytinburnu, the solutions that can be offered for gecekondu areas and how they can be integrated to urban life are discussed. Within the context of study, how the studies that are made under the name of “transformation” are worked in two different cases and how successful these studies were, with the factors that are included or excluded are tried to be examined. In the end of studies, it is discovered that the people living in gecekondu areas which are considered to be transformed were not involved in the studies and were not informed well enough in our country, especially in İstanbul. Therefore, it is not possible to mention that the transformation plans achieved the planned success in the view of planning. In the case of Zeytinburnu, the people living there were almost totally excluded from the transformation studies and became “victims of transformation”. In Karanfilköy, with the solidarity of people and the association they formed, the prople survived from being the victims and succeeded in raising their voices. The solidarity in Karanfilköy can be shown as a positive step that is taken on behalf of transformation studies. However, the confrontation of people and the local government in the transformation studies shows that the cooperation and communication between local people and local government is yet to be fully fit. The importance of this cooperation is highlighted in order to achieve success in transformation studies., Yüksek Lisans, M.Sc.