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The article focuses on political conditions of the U.S., as of November 7, 1987. Beginning in the summer of 1983, Jesse Jackson set out to change the course of politics in that most resistant of regions. He convinced, cajoled and in some cases almost dragged blacks to registration desks and polling places with such success that more than 2 million "new voters" entered the political process. Not only that but blacks were encouraged and organized to run for office according to a strategy that would constitute a new progressive bloc within the Democratic Party at both the local and national levels.

George Mitchell's abrupt withdrawal from the field of Supreme Court nominees leaves U.S. President Bill Clinton with a stark choice. Even some Republicans are beginning to worry about a Court desperately bereft of intellectual balance. Bruce Fein, deputy attorney general, remarked on National Public Radio April 9 that the court needs "a strong, profound thinker who can rival Justice Scalia" from the left, not "another mediocrity there which will keep the court at sea." He'd bring to this evermore-insular court selfless experience as a parent-activist in the inner-city schools of New Haven. Good law, like good democracy comes from cone tending ideas, and on this court most of the ideas are coming from one direction.

The electoral system in the U.S. is now being convulsed by the broadest, fiercest voter insurgency in perhaps 140 years, and is watching from the sidelines. Worst of all, the receptacle of these volatile political humors is Presidential candidate Ross Perot. Despite the mayhem he can inflict on an unresponsive system, Perot is a catastrophe for the progressive/activist spectrum. Insurgent labor, minorities, feminists, lesbians and gays, environmentalists, community organizers, peace internationalists, the coalition that once made up the Rainbow, are in varying degrees offended by Perot's campaign but, more important, excluded from it on any terms but his.

Focuses on the emergence of the political culture of cold war liberalism in the U.S. Impact of the cold war on the political scenario of the U.S.; Features of the cold war liberalism; Types of changes that occurred in the political scenario of the U.S. due to cold war liberalism.

Discusses the impact of United States President Ronald Reagan on the civic culture of the United States. History of the emergence of the Reaganism movement; Lack of ideological definition and programmatic coherence of the Reaganism movement; Policies of Reagan expected to have a long-term effect on the country.

Reports that the bulk of the surviving U.S. left has joined the Democratic Party center, without the will to inflect debate, the influence to inform policy or the leverage to share power. Negation of the reasons for the left's own existence; View that Jesse Jackson represented an opportunity for the left in the Democratic Party.

This article focuses on the political developments in the U.S. The U.S. President George Bush Administration bet that the Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee would shrink from the challenge of confronting a black nominee on his civil rights record-and it was right. A memorable Rolling Stone headline referred to Jim Morrison, but it might well have been John F. Kennedy, the other subject of a major Oliver Stone release. Both men were American icons of the same generation, and in translating important aspects of their respective iconographies to the screen Stone was playing with fire.

Focuses on political situations in the U.S. Description of the composition Members of the U.S. Congress; Impact of the Vietnam war on the U.S. politics; Comment on the time wasted in constitutional amendments for school prayers and state legislative malapportionment; Information that Melvin Laird, the House Republican Conference chairman, took $800,000 out of anti-poverty funds and assigned it to a tribe of Indians in his district in Wisconsin; Information about the Crime Bill passed by the U.S. Senate.

This article focuses on the U.S. Presidential election in 1988. Presidential candidate Jesse Jackson did not take over the U.S. Democratic party in 1988, although he had already changed politics in ways that few predicted at the start and that will be extremely difficult to reverse. Jackson's apparently coy but reportedly genuine bid for "serious consideration" as Michael Dukakis's running mate may have been partly a gambit to keep his campaign alive in the media during the dull days between California and Atlanta.

This article presents the author's views on U.S. politician and economist, Michael Dukakis's candidacy for U.S. President during the Presidential election in 1988. Dukakis does not lack for material for every possible rationalization of his shortcomings in the department of ideology and issues. He stands in the middle of the party between the military-racist faction on one side, and the Jacksonian progressives on the other. Most civilized U.S. Democratic voters will see that he is better, in some essentialist reading, than Vice President George Bush.

The article discusses matters related to social and political issues of the U.S. It states that the recent decision by New York State officials to allow small-scale, experimental distribution of sterile needles to intravenous drug addicts in New York City as a way of combating AIDS is a victory for common sense and compassion. The article also reports that last week, Edwin Meese, chief law-enforcement officer of the U.S., is charged with the allegation that a 1985 memorandum explored the possibility of bribing Israeli officials in return for their promise not to attack a proposed Iraqi-Jordanian oil pipeline.

This article presents information related to U.S. politics. Andrew Kopkind writes that the author's presidential campaign in New Hampshire was "bizarre," that it "had no serious political strategy and proved ultimately pointless." Kopkind has simply failed to do the kind of job worthy of this periodical and its readers. Never once did he bother to interview the author or try to find out what the "point" was of the author's campaign. An election strategy is a plan, a program to organize a constituency, a scheme to amass support. The goal is to win elections or, failing that, to accumulate enough electoral power to influence an election, to impose an agenda, to remake a party or realign parties.

However much the "politics of meaning" enriches the U.S. Bill Clinton family's discourse, it seems to be excluded from the administration's practice. Clinton's appointment of decent liberals to head both the arts and the humanities endowments has not hindered the Justice Department from pursuing deplorably illiberal policies in alliance with right-wing politicians and fundamentalist scolds. The administration's attempt to appease the legions of decency in the N.E.A. case hardly represents a major assault on free speech and a liberated culture. It's easy to blame the repressive right for these acts of cultural terrorism, but the zealots are only doing what comes naturally to them.

Presents several letters to the editor on issues related to the United States politics and government. Comment on the innuendo style of the tabloid by Carol Stuart; Disapproval of Andrew Kopkind's prejudice against ethnic groups; Fear among the people in Boston, Massachusetts.