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The Forgotten Hispanic Minority: Spaniard Immigrants in the United States, 1940-2010 The Spaniard immigration during the last six decades to the United States is almost completely forgotten by scholars of race and ethnicity and immigration. Perhaps because Hispanic immigrants from Mexico and Latin America have increased so rapidly, Spaniards, the original Hispano/ Latino minority have has few mentions in the sociological literature. In this paper I give a snapshot of Spaniard immigrants in the United States from 1940-2010. First I look at the motives, for immigration. The second section examines the principal areas of settlement. The third section provides a profile of U.S. Spaniards and Spaniard immigrants. The fourth section examines Spaniard voluntary organizations and associations. Finally I examine integration and assimilation of the Spaniard minority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to expose the marginality faced by Maya migrants in the United States and the hardships caused by their undocumented status. The focus is on Guatemala Maya migration primarily from Guatemala (the sending nation) to South Florida (the receiving region). In the first half of this study the unique situation of Maya migrants is elaborated upon, demonstrating the challenges faced when these two social limitations, indigenous and undocumented are present for migrants. In the second half, a third marginality is exposed; that of being an undocumented Maya woman. A brief history of Maya in Guatemala, including present conditions in the nation in addition to reasons for migration leading to Maya life both in South Florida is presented. The paper uncovers some of the resource options that are available for undocumented migrants and calls for further research to the affect of migration on Maya women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on life stories of Filipinos in San Diego, this paper examines the ways in which Filipino sexualities are constituted by and constitutive of gendered, sexualized, and racialized discourses and practices that circulate between the Philippines and the United States. The first section focuses on first-generation immigrants, many of whom came to the United States when they were in their twenties, to examine the contradictory effects of U.S. (neo)colonialism on Filipino sexualities. On the one hand, U.S. (neo)colonialism assaults the sexual identities of both Filipino men and women; on the other, the social disruptions that emerged out of the colonial process provide Filipinos with unexpected opportunities to move beyond rigid sexual boundaries and expectations. Focusing on negotiations and compromises regarding sexuality between immigrant parents and their children, the second section contends that these domestic tensions must be understood within a historical and transnational framework. These conflicts express more than familial squabbles or cultural clashes; they bespeak the aftermath of gender, race and empire. The section ends with a discussion of the changing ideas about sexuality within this immigrant community, as both parents and children select, reject and revise the multiple sexual scripts available to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, several immigration scholars have contributed to the debate over the phenomenon of transnationalism--the extent to which migrants engage in cross-border activities that meld their communities of origin and settlement. While much of this debate has focused on the prevalence and pervasiveness of transnational activities, little empirical work has explored the consequences of transnational contact on important features of immigrant incorporation, particularly community attachment in the U.S. This paper uses data from the 2008 Pew Research Center's Social and Demographic Trends Survey to examine the extent to which immigrants are attached to their host communities, and the independent influence of different methods of transnational contact. Additional variables salient to the transnational migration and community attachment scholarship are also investigated. My results from this analysis suggest that the usage of different types of transnational communication affects attachment outcomes in different and distinct ways. In addition, immigrants tend to experience greater attachment to their host communities when they are more locally invested and have stronger support networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite stories told throughout the nation's history, the United States began not as a nation of immigrants, but as a settler colony: British North America. From this origin myth to present day interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, race, nation, and questions of belonging were embedded into historical memory and tales of US exceptionalism. These ideas have shaped tensions in notions of justice, democracy, identity and resistance. Most clear to Native Peoples who continue to face the brutal consequences of European colonization, the fabled diversity and wealth of the US was built through the enslavement and exploitation of foreign labor, imperial conquest and a neocolonial policy of domination of the Americas. People arriving from different parts of the globe were assigned to different sectors of the labor force. Some assignments provided greater opportunities than did others. In the twentieth century, these historical legacies were compounded by an increasing frequency of interventions around the globe that precipitated much debated recent migrations -alien invasion or imperial power play? Reflecting on research conducted for two works in progress (second edition of Breaking the Code of Good Intentions Everyday Forms of Whiteness and Tensions in the American Dream: The Imperial Nation Confronts the Liberation of Nations (with R. D. Bush), this paper explores tensions implicit in questions of citizenship, entitlement and the American Dream, examining how markers of race, language, culture and nation provide the context for how ideas about who belongs are accepted and/or rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using representative national surveys, this paper compares economic outcomes among Latin American migrants to Spain and the United States, the first cross-national comparison using quantitative data. Considering the geographic location and social proximity of each country with respect to Latin America, we detect a critical selection effect whereby the majority of Latin American migrants to Spain originate in South America from middle class backgrounds, whereas most migrants to the United States are Central Americans of lower class origins. This selection effect accounts for cross-national differences in the probability of employment, occupational attainment, and wages earned. Despite differences in the origins and characteristics of Latino immigrants to the each country, demographic and human and social capital factors appear to operate similarly in both places; and when models are estimated separately by legal status, we find that effects are more accentuated for undocumented compared with documented migrants, especially in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the socioeconomic impact of U.S. migration in Mexico often focus on the investment of remittances in household assets and property. Little attention is given to its impact on the education of the children of migrants in Mexico. Human capital theory suggests migration may have a positive impact on education due to increased income; however, research suggests that migration also discourages education and creates an orientation towards U.S. labor markets. This paper analyzes the role of U.S. migration and remittances on the educational attainment of Mexican youth using the 10% sample of the 2000 Mexican Census. Results are consistent with the existence of two processes connecting migration and education. The first is family's investment on human capital, defined by the use of economic resources from migration on the education of children. The second is the discouragement of schooling among children living in communities with higher migration prevalence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores federalism in the context of immigration through the specific issue of marriage fraud. The paper focuses on a 1950's United States Supreme Court case, Lutwak versus United States, involving a prosecution of American naturalized citizens, one of whom was a World War II veteran, who enabled their relatives, Jewish displaced persons, to be admitted to the United States as spouses of World War II veterans. Three persons were convicted for defrauding the United States by engaging in what the government called marriage fraud. At the time, there was no statute expressly prohibiting the use of marriage to facilitate immigration into the United States. The defendants served two years imprisonment. Their convictions were upheld by the Supreme Court in the only Supreme Court opinion to date to deal with marriage fraud. The paper examines how the case fits into the context in which it arose - the massive post-World War II problem of displaced persons - and one of the underlying issues in the case - the federalization of an issue - what constitutes marriage or marriage fraud - that traditionally had been subject to state control. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theorists agree that there are few notions more central in politics than citizenship. Throughout United States history, multiple racial and ethnic groups have struggled for political membership and enfranchisement. Specifically, I plan to outline how nativist ideologies in the United States have contributed to a specific discourse on immigration that strategically aligns African Americans with White Americans. This apparent alignment not only serves to validate the argument that immigration is a threat to American citizens, but also provides African Americans with a form of symbolic power, that legitimizes their claims against illegal immigration, when their voice historically has received no legitimacy. The citizenship status of Latino immigrants has created a particular kind of dialogue between African Americans and Latinos. More importantly for this paper, I argue that the different notions and framings of citizenship are important factors to understand what causes Blacks and Latinos to become so polarized. Methodologically, these questions will be quantitatively analyzed.Using the 2007 Los Angeles County Survey, I will analyze how African Americans’ respond to various questions on Latinos and Latino immigration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in the racial dynamic of the South raise many questions that need to be addressed. For example, how are native-born black and white Americans reacting to the presence of a third population, one with little or no history in the region? How do these new immigrants perceive relations with their new black and white neighbors? Research in the area of the effects of Latino immigration on intergroup relations in the South is very recent and not extensive (McClain et al. 2006, 2007; Marrow 2005). This paper will try to provide a glimpse at the context in which racial intergroup relations will be developed in three Southern locationsâ??Durham, NC; Memphis, TN; and Little Rock, AR. These locations represent different Southern environments from a majority black city (Memphis) to one where blacks and whites are basically represented in equal proportions in the population (Durham) to one where blacks are a minority of the population (Little Rock). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a considerable body of research has begun to explore how the behavior of international migrants is influenced by governments in their countries of origin, few comparative studies of sending-state migration policy currently exist. This paper uses time series cross-sectional data to examine the impact of sending-state policies on the patterns of economic and political transnationalism exhibited by Latin American migrants living in the United States. It provides a test of several theories about how transnationalism evolves over time and investigates how political concerns within the sending state can shape these changes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a broadly constructed view of American culture from which we analyze debates surrounding immigration. This construction provides a more thorough understanding of immigration and appropriate immigration policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to examine the causes and outcomes of the influx of immigrants in the European Union and the United States from 1995 to 2005. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of international norms are often mediated by domestic structures. Political elite socialization is seen as one of the more effective mechanisms of norm internalization. However the role played by government actors in this process needs to be disaggregated- some domestic institutions are able to effectively block the internalization of new norms. This paper suggests that the United States Congress played the role of a norm blocker throughout the interwar period, by limiting the acceptance of immigrants and refugees. By exploring American policy towards refugees from 1918 to 1952, we will argue that the U.S. Congress played two roles in successfully blocking more liberal international norms. By ensuring no new formal legal understanding could be introduced, it framed the American response to a growing refugee problem from Nazi Germany within strict immigration limitations. Thus efforts to alter the international response were unsuccessful due to the inability to alter policies at the domestic level. In addition, it indirectly ensured that norm entrepreneurs within the government were limited to a constrained set of policy options and implicitly gave license to other government departments, particularly the Department of State, to adopt standard operating procedures that ran counter to international norms. However, Congress could not continue this role indefinitely. When Franklin D. Roosevelt became actively involved in 1938, and Harry S. Truman after 1946, these new norms permeated executive branch departments. Thus, Congress was only able to play the role of a norm blocker when the President was not actively challenging its views. Further, the President, playing the role of an active norm entrepreneur, can even influence other domestic institutions to adopt new normative understandings, as Truman influenced Congress by reframing U.S. refugee policy within the context of the emerging Cold War. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While American ambivalence about immigration is as old as the country, the issue of illegal immigration into the United States has moved up to the top of the nation's agenda since the tragic events of September 11, 2001. While most Americans believe that legal immigration has been historically good for the country, most have at the same time become increasingly concerned about illegal immigration into the country. Our goal in this project is to further illuminate public opinion about illegal immigration although we want to transcend simple survey efforts to examine the pulse of public opinion on this issue. Instead, we set out to determine whether public views on illegal immigration are monolithic or whether they in part depend on such factors as the immigrants' country of origin, their fluency in English, or their desire to settle in the U.S. permanently. Using previous research and opinion surveys as a point of departure, we anticipate that attitudes toward illegal immigrants may vary with their country of origin (or more specifically whether they hail from a predominantly White, Hispanic, or Arab country), whether or not they are fluent in English, and whether they want to settle in the U.S. permanently and become citizens or want to work here for a while and return to their homeland after improving their finances. To test these broad expectations and the more specific ones we describe in the paper, we have used experimental design as our methodological tool. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the chief article of America's civil religion, the presidential Inaugural Addresses serve as interesting four-year snapshots of America's political values. Because the substance and emphases of the addresses have changed substantially over time, they also reveal historically significant shifts in American political thought. In this paper I examine how the concept of citizenship is treated in the Inaugural Addresses, especially how the concept of citizenship has changed over time. I will examine both the emphasis of citizenship together with its attendant privileges and responsibilities as well as issues closely related to citizenship such as immigration and racial integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African immigration has increased to its highest levels since the slavery era. Each year, Africans come to the United States either as refugees or immigrants in droves. They are professionals, micro entrepreneurs, and invisible workers; they are single, married, families, and bifurcated families (½ here; ½ in natal country). Though male and female migrate, female immigration is often dependent on male therefore women are more negatively impacted by illegality, invisible employment, and fear of/deportation.The paper explores the impact of single filling, dependent visas, illegality, and deportation on the sociopolity of Nigerian female immigrants using policy analysis, interviews, and focus groups. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did some Latinos in the United States but not others participate in immigrant rights protests? This paper uses data from the 2006 Pew Hispanic Survey (N=4,016) to investigate the relationship between social divisions among Latinos in the United States and participation in immigrant rights protests. It explains how various aspects of religion, including religious tradition, belief, and participation, mobilized and constrained Latinos to get involved protest activities. The findings show that non-citizen, first-generation, Spanish-speaking Latinos were more likely to participate in immigration rights protest. Affiliation with mainline Protestant and Catholic churches, as well as involvement in churches that are predominantly Latino or that organized protest activities, was strongly related to immigration rights protest. The results also show the importance of the internet for mobilization Latinos for immigration rights protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the inherent conflict between the growing re-entry movement in the United States and the deportation of immigrants for the commission of a wide variety of often minor offenses. In light of the large numbers of prisoners who are released from incarceration annually, the federal and state governments have increasingly funded efforts to facilitate the return and reintegration of criminal offenders into their communities. While the scope of the programs remains limited, their rhetorical and symbolic value has been high. The attempt to incorporate released offenders, however, has had the negative side-effect of creating two groups of offenders - those who are a part of the community, i.e., citizen offenders, and those who are not, i.e., non-citizen offenders. Ultimately, this has led to the increasing exclusion of non-citizen offenders. Because of the threat of deportation and immigration retainers, non-citizen offenders are precluded from participation in a host of in-prison programs that would facilitate reintegration and are precluded from accessing community assistance. The most dramatic example of this further exclusion of non-immigrant offenders are voting rights. As organizations are focused on gaining voting rights for ex-offenders, they implicitly further exclude those who do not have citizenship claims and can make no claims to such rights. This separates the non-citizen and citizen group of offenders yet further: To allow for the integration of some offenders, non-citizen offenders will be further stigmatized and excluded from all services and ultimately from the territory, without regard to their actual community and family ties. This paper will detail the dilemma inherent in the re-entry movement and its unintentional effects, and will attempt to develop some strategies to mitigate this negative fallout from the re-entry movement. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2006, over a million immigrants and their allies rose up in cities across the United States to denounce the now famous Sensenbrenner bill (HR4437) that introduced controversial measures to criminalize immigration. The historic mass mobilizations exposed an important paradox. Since the 1960s, there has been a growing convergence between criminalization on the one hand and the expansion of rights for immigrants on the other. This paper traces the development of this paradoxical convergence, which I refer to as a rights/crime nexus, over three periods: 1965, 1986, and post-9/11. It argues that the formal recognition of rights for migrants in the post-civil rights era led to a greater intersection between immigration and crime control. Thus, the logic underlying the intersection between rights and criminalization is less about restricting movement and ultimately about policing citizenship and membership within a post-civil rights context. The paper stems from a year and one half of ethnographic research of immigration law enforcement at the U.S.-Mexico Border.   ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration policy has emerged as an important policy debate across theOECD countries, yet it remains relatively under explored in political science.To date, the majority of the work in political science and economics focuseson questions of what determines individual preferences on immigration policy.This paper seeks to insert the legislative process into the analysis by examiningwhat determines the vote of senators on immigration reforms. I treatmigration as a globalization phenomenon that can be explained with similarmodels to the ones utilized to study trade. I build a migration score based onthe thirty nine roll call votings on immigration reform from the Senate in the190th United States Congress using the same methodology as Hix and Noury(2007). I find that the proportion of manufacture employment in the state andthe skill level of the population are significant determinants of immigrationpolicy, consistent with the Stolper-Samuelson findings for trade policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers whether immigration is an issue that evolves, beginningin the 1990s. It is argued that whenever the immigrant population can be associ-ated with high costs, then policy entrepreneurs will start the evolution process bydwelling on the cost symbol. This idea is tested by comparing partisan polariza-tion for the entire United States, for the seven states that incurred a net deficit inspending on immigrants, and for California alone. As hypothesized, polarizationincreases the most in California, though not in a way that suggests issue evolution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the U.S. immigration regime of Chinese Exclusion, 1882 to 1943, to understand the refining of state administrative capabilities. Theoretically and empirically, it contributes to American Political Development historiography. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines pre- and post-September 11th attitudes toward immigration. We find that in contrast to the pre-September 11th era, moral conservatism and racial resentment strongly influence attitudes toward immigration. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether an adoption of American identity is associated with an acceptation of conservative racial attitudes, and explores determinants of Asians? racial attitudes associating with their immigration backgrounds. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been made of the fact that the majority of immigration to Canada and the United States is now non-white. This is said to be the product of inclusive societies welcoming people from all parts of the world. The trend, however, reflects the unequal benefits of globalization and the North-South divide and the fact that increasing social polarization is pushing many from their countries in search of improved opportunities in countries like Canada and the United States that have had the greater benefits of globalization. This illusion of inclusion is shattered for many when they come to these countries only to experience a backlash towards immigration, limited job opportunities because of credentialism and a society closed by systemic racism and the accompanying racial hierarchy that exists in Canada and the United States. This paper will argue that globalization and the North-South divide are manifesting themselves within these societies within which this divide and other divisions are recreated through immigration as the human face of globalization. This hierarchy has threatened the life chances of racialized immigrants and workers and that the immigration policies and political, social and economic systems of Canada and the United States are still not open to racialized minorities on the same level as they are to non-racialized minorities. This is heightened by the changing nature of the state-society relationship that provides little support for immigration settlement and other programs and institutions that support equalizing opportunities for marginalized members of society. We examine immigration and security policies through a critical framework and analyze worker interviews in Toronto and Houston in order to highlight how these hierarchies and the North-South divide are indeed internalized in Canada and the United States. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beginning of this century is marked by the increasing role of the socio-economic factors in defining the character and intensity of the new migration flows in the post-Soviet region. Simultaneously, of growing importance are various forms of labor, temporary, and undocumented migration. Another significant feature of the current migration situation is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a ?bridge? for those attempting to reach Western Europe.These changes as well as the socio-economic gap existing between Russia and a number of poorer post-Soviet states, and the fact that many of them are located along the Russian borders, create a number of interesting parallels with the problems that the United States encounters in regard to labor migration, first of all from Latin America. The paper compares the dynamics and structural characteristics of the migration flows to the United States and Russia. Special attention is given to the policy responses to the migration phenomenon in those two countries and to the relevant lessons of American experience for Russia. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has allocated a tremendous amount of resources toward controlling its border with Mexico. The unprecedented build-up of the border patrol during the last two decades offers evidence of the importance placed on regulating the flow of unwanted migrants from Mexico and beyond. Yet, despite U.S. efforts to curb the flow of illegal migrants, the number of undocumented Mexicans crossing into the United States has grown exponentially and continues to be a tremendous challenge to control.This paper examines the underlying factors that contribute to the increase of Mexican migrants to the United States since the implementation of NAFTA more than ten years ago. Furthermore, it will critique the effectiveness of U.S. policies to control Mexican migration and present alternatives to the current regime. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the origins and consequences of contemporary immigration rules governing deportation. The presentation begins with a brief over-view of immigration rules since 1990, rules that have set much lower thresholds for deportation and removal from the United States, especially among persons who have been convicted of crimes. The paper then outlines the rate and scope of removals from the United States since 1990, and then concludes with a discussion of the preliminary impact of removals on countries in Asia, and South and Central America. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since September 2001, the Bush administration has developed a series of mechanisms, by-passing due process protections, to indefinitely detain Middle Eastern men on a civil immigration pretext. This paper will argue that the nation's immigration laws have been misappropriated to craft a system of preventive detention giving rise to imprisonment without charge for weeks and months, denial of access to lawyers or family visitation, interrogations and threats during the period of detention, physical and psychological abuse and ultimately deportations without a fair initial hearing or the exhaustion of available appellate recourse. This new system of civil detention is specifically designed to weaken constitutional due process protections. U.S. officials may have borrowed a page from illiberal regimes that are "war on terror" allies in developing their administrative detention strategies, a contention that this paper will also consider. Civil detention has also been correlated to the practice of "renditions," whereby individuals detained in the U.S. are deported to countries more willing to engage in traditional torture practices in continued interrogation post-deportation. The combination of detention practices within the U.S. and the "rendition" of detainees to countries known to engage in torture, makes explicit the link, under the Bush administration, between the violations of procedural rights in the U.S. and the violations of the laws of war outside of the U.S. This paper will contribute to an understanding of how the war on immigrants -- and attendant domestic detention practices -- is an integral part of America's war on terror strategy. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While aiming to preserve domestic security, the Department of Homeland Security is also influenced by the humanitarian concern of making immigration interviews a social space where aliens have a fair chance of demonstrating their fear of persecution. Immigration policy has been schizophrenic in its aims, vacillating between opening and closing the door to new arrivals. The restrictionist sentiment that provided the basis of America's earliest immigration laws provided a template for the creation and administration of refugee policies and asylum law. This paper examines the role of ideological biases in judgments about the credibility of applicants for asylum. This study focuses on how officers think about cases and the situational and cultural influences on the decisions asylum adjudicators render. For persons attempting to enter this country for asylum, certain social group memberships such as nationality, make it more or less likely that their case will be referred to an asylum officer. For those that do get as far as an asylum interview, a host of social psychological phenomena ranging from perceptual biases to attribution processes shape how these individuals who come in contact with the asylum system are viewed and ultimately treated. Several areas are given particular consideration in this analysis of asylum decision-making: (a) schemas and the processing of claimant information, (b) culture and attributions made regarding claimant behavior, and (c) external constraints officers face in processing cases. This paper is based on a variety of qualitative methods including, ethnographic observations of asylum hearings and interviews, and in-depth interviews with claimants and asylum attorneys. It is hoped that this paper illuminates the extrajudicial factors that affect asylum claimant's ability to establish a credible fear of persecution, and some of the difficulties refugees face in gaining legal entry to America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerical facts are increasingly playing a prominent role in public discourse but individuals often provide incorrect estimates of policy-relevant numerical quantities. Across two studies, we examine the role of memory biases (schemas) in the creation of numerical misinformation and how it can spread via social transmission. In our first study, we use eye movement monitoring to examine the cognitive mechanisms supporting the creation of schema-based numerical misinformation. In a second study, we use the serial reproduction paradigm to examine the largescale consequences of these biases via the transmission of numerical misinformation. We find that individuals misremember information in a manner consistent with their schemas and person-toperson communication can exacerbate these memory errors. Our study highlights the mechanisms supporting the reinforcement and spread of numerical misinformation as well as demonstrating the utility of a multi-method approach in the study of misinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social science research along with the media, continue to view not only cross-nativity marriages but interracial marriages as important barometers of race relations and assimilation of various immigrant groups. While the extensive body of sociological research on immigrant union formation has focused predominately on the prevalence and determinants of intermarriage with natives, the role of timing and its relation to partner choice has received less attention. In this respect, we argue that timing of marriage in relation to the timing of migration is an important aspect of assimilation. We use data from the 2013 and 2014 American Community Survey (ACS) to document the patterns of intermarriage between immigrants and natives with respect to the timing of migration and marriage. By examining the link between marrying prior to arrival in the U.S., marrying the same year of arrival, and marrying post-migration we extend the previous research on the correlates of intermarriage between immigrants and natives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A voluminous demographic literature has investigated the individual- and community-level forces inducing documented and undocumented immigration flows from Mexico. The exact sources and processes underlying authorized or unauthorized movements among U.S.-bound migrants remain largely unspecified, however. This article proposes that the social context of indigenousness is one source of migrants' divergent legal status outcomes. We argue that migrating from an indigenous community constrains individuals' lawful migration opportunities to the U.S. compared to similarly-situated individuals from non-indigenous communities. We test this argument with individual-level data from the Mexican Migration Project that have been merged with community-level data from the Mexican Census. We find that, controlling for individual-level characteristics, migrants from indigenous communities are more likely to be undocumented compared to those from non-indigenous communities. These results are not driven by individual-level factors but rather community-level indicators capturing indigenous communities' unique legacy of economic and social disadvantage in Mexico. We conclude by theorizing how processes of social stratification in one setting may manifest across national boundaries to shape the future of inequality in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]