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While evidence from California suggests that group threat mobilizes Latinos, nationally, there has never been a test case for this theory. In 2016, the Trump campaign provided a clear case of group threat through his divisive rhetoric and policy proposals targeting Mexican Americans and immigrants. Using the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) data, we find evidence that Latino voters were politically motivated by Trump's anti-Latino rhetoric. We hypothesize that Latino voters who perceive Latinos as a racialized group and feel a sense of immigrant-linked fate are more likely to hold negative views toward the Republican candidate, and feel angry during the 2016 election. We further find that Latino voters who were angry were more likely to engage in political activities such as donating to campaigns, contacting government officials, and protesting during and shortly after the 2016 election. The findings hold for U.S. born Latinos as well as among non-Mexican Latinos who felt similarly targeted by Trump's rhetoric and proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents her thoughts on the future of social conditions for Hispanic Americans (Latinx) and Hispanic American LGBT people in the aftermath of the 2016 massacre at the gay nightclub Pulse in Orlando, Florida. She criticizes the depiction of people of color and mixed-race people as "monstrous" in nationalist immigration narratives. She goes on to discuss how trans Latinx kinship can be created through solidarity and acts of acceptance.

As community residents and recovery workers, Latino immigrants play important roles after disasters, yet are rarely included in preparedness planning. A community–university– labor union partnership created a demonstration project after Hurricane Sandy to strengthen connections to disaster preparedness systems to increase community resilience among Latino immigrant communities in New York and New Jersey. Building ongoing ties that connect workers and communitybased organizations with local disaster preparedness systems provided mutual benefits to disaster planners and local immigrant communities, and also had an impact on national disasterrelated initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Americans overestimate the size of minority groups and underestimate the size of the majority. Research on perceived racial group size, however, has focused on areas where non-Hispanic whites are dominant and has neglected to examine the impact of group conflict attitudes other than perceived threats. This study examines perceptions of group size in Harris County, Texas, in 2007, which became a minority-majority area by 2006. It also examines whether perceived racial discrimination influences perceived group size. Analyses demonstrate that people underestimate the size of the largest group, which in this case is the local Hispanic population. The sizes of the black and Asian populations, by contrast, are overestimated while estimates of the white population are accurate. Race and perceived discrimination play important roles in shaping perceptions of group size. Perceptions of group size are also based on the objective size of these groups, but are unrelated to recent changes in group size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented that considers the future of race relations and civil rights in the U.S. during the first half of the 21st century, particularly as minorities may begin to outnumber whites beginning roughly in 2044. The authors argue that demographic change will create social turmoil and anxiety based on evidence from such demographic change in California and U.S. southern states. It also discusses nativism against Latinos, and a possible conservative political strategy that involves pitting Latinos against African Americans and working-class whites.

The article discusses what the authors refer to as the emergence of an immigration and civil rights law-related consensus in the Deep South region of the U.S. as of 2016, and it mentions racial politics and a Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi, as well as an anti-sanctuary city law in North Carolina. Discrimination against Hispanic Americans and blacks is examined, along with the historical aspects of civil rights activists and social movement issues in America's southern states.

We examine the ramifications of the demographic transition to diversity in the USA through an analysis of changes at the top of the occupational hierarchy, as glimpsed in recent census data. We find evidence that, among the incumbents of better-paid occupations, the percentage of non-Hispanic whites, the historically dominant majority, is sharply declining, while the proportion of immigrant-origin minorities, Asians, both foreign and US born, and US-born Hispanics, is growing. African Americans, or US-born blacks, are not so far sharing much in this growth. However, whites still retain important advantages in terms of occupational placement net of education and in terms of earnings net of occupational placement. We conclude overall that demographic shifts are highly likely to drive further diversification at the top of the US workforce; the question of whether whites can hold on to their advantages in the face of these changes cannot be answered yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Texas Senate Bill 14 (SB 14) aimed to prevent discriminatory purposes and discriminatory effect on Hispanic Americans and African-Americans.

The article looks at the political activity of Latinos in the U.S., focusing on the impact of language proficiency differences on the extent of voter registration, voter turnout, and other forms of political participation. It discusses the differences between those whose dominant language is English and those who are either bilingual or Spanish language-dominant in terms of the mass media they access. Other topics include the language-related provisions of the U.S. Voting Rights Act and the social conditions of different Latino subgroups in matters such as socioeconomic status.

This research describes how race-ethnicity, nativity and neighbourhood characteristics are associated with reports of unfair treatment by police in the previous five years by residentially stable men. Data are from waves 1 and 2 of the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey. Results suggest that foreign-born Latinos are less likely than African Americans and US-born whites to report unfair treatment. After accounting for tract percentage Latino, US-born Latinos were less likely to report unfair treatment than African Americans, which partially supports a gradient model. Neighbourhood affluence was negatively associated with reports, but poverty, percentage Latino and immigrant concentration were not. The importance of neighbourhood privilege is highlighted, as is the need to better understand Latino immigrants' experiences with police. Future work should examine immigrants' interpretation of interactions with police and their willingness to report unfair treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

High rates of Hispanic fertility raise an important question: Do Hispanic newborn babies start life's race behind the starting line, poor and disadvantaged? To address this question, we link the newborn infants identified with the new fertility question in the 2006-2010 American Community Survey (ACS) to the poverty status of mothers. Our results document the disproportionately large share (40 percent) of Hispanic babies who are born into poverty. The prospect of poverty is especially high in new Hispanic destinations, especially those in rural areas. For Hispanic newborn babies, poverty cannot be reduced to supply-side explanations that emphasize maladaptive behavioral decisionmaking of parents, that is, nonmarital or teen childbearing, low educational attainment, acquisition of English language skills, or other dimensions of human capital. Hispanics in new destinations often start well behind the starting line--in poverty and with limited opportunities for upward mobility and an inadequate welfare safety net. The recent concentration of Hispanic poverty in new immigrant destinations portends continuing intergenerational inequality as today's newborn infants make their way to productive adult roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Using nationally representative data, I examine the relationship between skin tone and police contact, in particular, the relationship between blacks' and Latinos' skin tone and being stopped or arrested by the police, controlling for prior delinquency and other important factors. Descriptive results show that darker-skinned blacks and Latinos are stopped and arrested more often than lighter-skinned members of the same group. When controlling for delinquency alone, blacks experience a significant increase in the number of times they are stopped and an 18% increase in the odds of being arrested by police as skin tone darkens. For Latinos, the interaction of skin tone and gender significantly affects the odds of police stops and arrests even controlling for demographic factors, suggesting that future research on skin tone should incorporate analysis for Latino/as as well as blacks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines whether middle- and upper-class Latino entrepreneurs retain a sense of ethnic solidarity expressed through community giving that is aimed at promoting the mobility of co-ethnics. I find that middle-class Latino entrepreneurs engage in more unstructured philanthropic activities, such as volunteering their time at Latino-centric organizations or mentoring low-income Latinos. In contrast, elite Latino entrepreneurs are creating ethnic social structures that focus on education and Latino business development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study contributes to the growing body of literature on the multifaceted consequences of homeownership for households and their communities, which has seldom focused on neighbourhood satisfaction, an important predictor of neighbourhood quality. Existing studies on the relationship between homeownership and neighbourhood satisfaction have not considered whether homeownership varies in its consequences depending on local context or racial background. Homeownership may render residents more responsive to neighbourhood conditions, to their benefit and to their detriment, depending on local context. Patterns may further vary across racial groups, given vast interracial inequalities in the attainment of desirable neighbourhood outcomes and homeownership. Employing a sample of 1897 respondents from the 2001 Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey (LAFANS), as well as data from the 2000 Census, this study uncovers a complex set of interrelationships among homeownership, neighbourhood characteristics and race. Homeownership makes residents more sensitive to the desirability of local characteristics, proving beneficial in advantaged communities and disadvantageous in distressed communities. These conclusions are broadly applicable to blacks, Latinos and whites, though homeownership is more salient among blacks and Latinos in determining their response to neighbourhood conditions. Given differential access to desirable neighbourhoods and asset accumulation across racial groups, findings raise new and important questions regarding the meaning of homeownership for minority households and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most studies of police–minority relations in America focus on blacks, usually in comparison with whites. This pattern is particularly puzzling in light of the growing population of Hispanic Americans throughout the US, now outnumbering blacks and consisting of the majority in some major cities. Aside from the need for more empirical research on the policing of Hispanics per se, comparing Hispanics’ relations with the police to other racial and ethnic groups offers some important insights into both the dimensions that are shared across groups and those that are distinctive to Hispanics. This article critically evaluates the small body of empirical research literature on this topic – highlighting both deficiencies in this literature as well as suggestive findings – and concludes by identifying a set of issues that should be addressed in future studies. The available evidence largely supports a racial-hierarchy perspective with regard to the policing of different racial and ethnic groups in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Much empirical analysis has documented racial disparities at the beginning and end stages of criminal cases. However, our understanding about the perpetuation of--and even corrections for--differential outcomes in the process remains less than complete. This Article provides a comprehensive examination of criminal dispositions using all DWI cases in North Carolina from 2001 to 2011, focusing on several major decision points in the process. Starting with pretrial hearings and culminating in sentencing results, we track differences in outcomes by race and gender. Before sentencing, significant gaps emerge in the severity of pretrial release conditions that disadvantage black and Hispanic defendants. Yet when prosecutors decide whether to pursue charges, we observe an initial correction mechanism: Hispanic men are almost two-thirds more likely to have those charges dropped relative to white men. Although few cases survive after the plea bargaining stage, a second correction mechanism arises: Hispanic men are substantially less likely to receive harsher sentences and are sent to jail for significantly less time relative to white men. The first mechanism is based, in part, on prosecutors' reviewing the strength of the evidence, but much more on declining to invest scarce resources in the pursuit of defendants who fail to appear for trial. The second mechanism seems to follow more directly from judicial discretion to reverse decisions made by law enforcement or prosecutors. We discuss possible explanations for these novel empirical results and review methods for more precisely identifying causal mechanisms in criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Hector Figueroa, president of the Local 32BJ of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), is president. He mentions the effect of Latino American community on the shape of New York City, the effect of Puerto Rican population on labor movement and the contributions of the Puerto Rican community in labor market. He discusses the identity of the Latino American community. He also focuses on the representation of Mexicans in the restaurant and construction industries.

The present study is an analysis of how President Barack Obama frames social problems as they confront African Americans in his speeches. The major research question in this study is: "Based on a discourse analysis of presidential speeches, how does Barack Obama frame the problems and challenges faced by the Black community relative to how he frames the problems and challenges of women and other communities of color?" This analysis looks for two distinct types of framing in the President's speeches: structural\institutional framing and personal\individual framing. The results indicate that President Obama frames African American issues as evenly structural \ institutional and personal\individual. However, compared to his speeches to women, Latinos\Latinas, Native Americans, Asian Americans, and the LGBT community, the President moralizes on African Americans more than any other group in the comparison. The present study names this tendency: racially relative moral castigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we extend research on neighborhood social isolation by (1) examining residents of disadvantaged and advantaged communities and (2) considering the character of neighborhoods where people conduct routine activities away from home. We contend that social isolation is experienced by residents of both highly disadvantaged and highly advantaged neighborhoods because the two groups spend time in largely nonoverlapping parts of the city. Individual and neighborhood race-ethnic dynamics exacerbate such social isolation. Data from the Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey show that social isolation is experienced by residents of all areas of the city, whether highly disadvantaged or advantaged. African Americans, Latinos and residents of areas with many Latinos suffer additional penalties in the social isolation of disadvantage in where they conduct routine activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a speech by Jorge A. Huerta, professor at University of California, delivered at the theater conference Latino Theater Alliance/L.A. Encuentro 2013 in Los Angeles, California on July 13, 2013. Topics of the speech include the development of Hispanic American theater, the role of art in society, and theater as a tool to address social issues faced by Hispanic Americans, including discrimination.