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This article examines national efforts to protect wildlife in the twentieth century. Its focus is the vicuña, a small llama-like species native to the Andes, which nearly went extinct due to the high economic value of its wool. Instead, the Peruvian national government—despite significant regime shifts—intervened to put in place and then perpetuate a series of conservation measures, including trade restrictions and a territorial reserve, that protected the population and allowed it to rebound. Using a combination of cultural, economic, political, and biological methods to understand the animals and people concerned about them, this article argues that conservation reoriented relationships among people and wild animals. Cultural affinities led to ethical claims about the animal's value as well as utilitarian arguments about its potential economic worth for community and economic development. Moreover, the vicuña themselves shaped both the landscapes and the conservation programs with their biological habits. Saving the vicuña proved to be a complex social process that challenged facile assumptions about past environmental actions of politically volatile, economically marginalized, and socially divided nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I draw on Peruvian government responses circa 1950 to the Alianza Popular RevolucionariaAmericana, an underground political party, to identify the features of a distinctive, mid-twentieth-century corruption/anti-corruption complex. I also show how this earlier complex differs from its contemporary counterpart. In the neoliberal present, concerns with corruption emerge in a context in which the public domain finds itself at risk froman alarming expansion of private appropriating powers. National governments play a key role in reconfiguring the public/private divide, and thus they are directly implicated in corrupt activities. Around 1950, however, it was just the opposite: the private domain was regarded as being under dire threat from an emergent global public. Furthermore, national governments were at the forefront of efforts to prevent the spread of the corrupt globalizing forces that were said to be gathering at the nation's borders. To draw out the distinctiveness of the mid-century corruption/anti-corruption complex, I focus on the distinctive shadow worlds imagined into being around 1950 as government officials sought to protect the nation from corruption. I also explore the peculiar state optic that emerged at mid-century, which mediated government efforts to see the shadow worlds that officials regarded as such a profound danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written during the playwright's migration to Lima and performed during the first years of the Velasco Alvarado dictatorship in Peru, El ascensor by César Vega Herrera portrays the struggles that migrants face in forging new lives in Peru's capital. El ascensor is absent from the existing debates on the Peruvian theatre of the 1960s and 1970s, making the work a forgotten piece of the nation's theatre history. The play criticizes the revolutionary promises of the Velasco Alvarado dictatorship, and the epoch in general, and places them in contrast with the ignored material needs of the country's migratory urban poor represented through the trials of its main character, Fortunato. This article includes a critical framework on the absurd and internal migration in Peru to highlight the play's treatment of politics and migration in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the study of populism has traditionally been the domain of Latin Americanists, research here has become increasingly comparative. One of the most important payoffs of this comparative work is conceptual. Rather than defining populism in structuralist, economic, or political-strategic terms, a growing number of scholars around the world are using an ideational conceptualization that draws heavily from earlier discursive theories. By employing the ideational approach, scholars have been able to provide empirical measures of populist discourse. In this article we explain and show the advantages of this ideational approach to a Latin American audience by presenting a new historical dataset measuring the discourse of Argentine, Chilean and Peruvian presidents across the twentieth century. Our main intent is to clarify the ideational approach as well as to enliven the conceptual debate. While we are critical of alternative definitions, we acknowledge and reassess their theoretical insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre el desarrollo de la izquierda política en Perú desde principios de los años de 1980. El autor comenta sobre el sistema de gobierno de Perú durante este periodo y examina la coalición Izquierda Unida. También se considera el rol de Hugo Blanco, una figura política y líder de la izquierda en Perú.

Scholars have recognized that contentious political action typically draws on relatively stable scripts for the enactment of claims making. But if such repertoires of political practice are generally reproduced over time, why and how do new modes of practice emerge? Employing a pragmatist perspective on social action, this article argues that change in political repertoires can be usefully understood as a result of situated political innovation-i.e., of the creative recombination of existing practices, through experimentation over time, by interacting political agents for whom old repertoires were proving inadequate to the changing context of action. The utility of this approach is demonstrated by applying it to explain the historical emergence of a new set of populist mobilizing practices in early twentieth-century Peru. The results have implications for the study of political action and historical change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the dissolution of the Peruvian Parliament as promulgated in the Constitution of 1979. The author comments on the establishment of the regulations associated with the Parliament of Peru in both the Constitution of 1979 and of 1993. The political evolution in Peru during this time period, including changes in the power of the president, is also examined.

This paper takes a longue durée approach in an attempt to explain continuities and discontinuities in the renewal of the Canadian province's missionary work. By focusing on the mission in Peru we trace the powerful effect of the missionary social, cultural, and political context. The locality as social context, following Quentin Skinner, will provide the frame of reference for understanding new meanings and the historical conditions of the missionaries' actions and their intentionality. The Sisters in Peru were inserted in overlapping configurations that were expressions of social movements including liberation theology as a religious movement, the readings of Vatican II in Latin America as expressed in Medellin and Puebla, and the province's own understanding of the need for change. Their notion of self and as missionaries was transformed in the complex interweaving of locality and lived experience; the Sisters asserted their own sense of living the radicality of the Gospel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if Leguía is undoubtedly one of the most notable Peruvian presidents in the 20th century, he is also one of the most neglected. From his eleven years in office (Oncenio) until today, Leguía remains surrounded by a lively controversy in the society that has extended to the historiographical debate. This clash of opposing hagiographic and hostile memories has substantially influenced how historians have written about this period. The aim of this article is to offer theoretical and methodological suggestions that could lead to a renewed interpretation of President Leguía and his Patria Nueva regime. In short, a more nuanced periodization of national political history and a more careful consideration of transnational interactions can make a contribution to the study of Peru’s nation-state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A roundtable discussion is presented on the history of anti-communism. Topics discussed include the divide between anarchism and communism, the impact of the Spanish Civil War on the international anarchist movement, and populist varieties of anti-communism in Peru and Latin America during the 20th century.

This is one of the many cases stemming from the Peruvian government's fight, during the 1980s and 1990s, against the guerilla organization Sendero Luminoso. In this case, Peruvian authorities arbitrarily arrested and incarcerated Mr. Nolberto Durand Ugarte and his uncle, Mr. Gabriel Pablo Ugarte Rivera in the El Frontón Island prison off the Peruvian coast. Mr. Durand Ugarte and Mr. Ugarte Rivera were both killed during a prison riot by use of excessive force by Peruvian armed forces. The remains of one of the two victims were found eighteen years later, after the Court issued its judgment, and those of the second victim are still missing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the shifting conceptions of the state and development through recent waves of Peruvian historiography. The broad structuralist-dependency interpretations of the 1970s and 1980s gave way to a more diffuse and creative ‘political turn’ during and after the 1990s. These changing historical ideas, which still defy synthesis, relate to distinctive global conceptions and phases of economic liberalism, the changing perceived role of states in development, and the integration and social disciplining of a vastly unequal Peruvian nation. Aspects of these Peruvian historical debates may help to shed light on similar controversies through much of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the history of Marxism in Latin America from the early 20th century to 2012, with a focus on specifically Latin American adaptations of Marxism to the Latin American context. Topics discussed include the development of Marxist philosophy in Peru by 20th century Peruvian journalist, political philosopher, and activist, José Carlos Mariátegui La Chira, the development of Marxist thought in Cuba after the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and struggles between Marxist intellectuals and Marxism as used by Latin American governments.

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the regime of Manuel Odría (1948-56), state officials in the northern Peruvian Andes came to believe that their efforts to govern were being systematically thwarted by APRA, an outlawed political party forced underground by government repression. Officials concluded that the party had elaborated a subterranean political apparatus of remarkable scope and power, one that was largely invisible to the naked eye. I draw on officials' fears of a dark and dangerous counterstate to cross-examine the literature on state formation. State theory has been predicated on the inevitability of state power, which makes it difficult to account for state crisis and also to grasp the highly contingent nature of successful efforts to rule. Much can be learned about state formation by examining moments in which political rule falters or fails, for it is then that the lineaments of power and control that otherwise remain masked become visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Cornell-Peru Project that took place in the village of Vicos, Peru between the years 1952-1966. The project involved numerous anthropologists descending on the village to study the Peruvian Indian way of life in order to determine how to design development policy for the region and other areas populated by indigenous peoples. The author examines the American efforts for modernization that were made at Vicos, how policy was designed to determine how indigenous people would fit into the modernization of Peru and the Cold War-tinged political drama that came to envelop the project.

The consequences of the put into effect of a rule under emergency powers are not reduced to the specific limitations in the exercise of determined fundamental rights. In effect, depending on the circumstances which motivate it, they could imply the participation of the Armed Forces in terms of juridical goods proper of other institutions such as the National Police. In Perú, for instance, in the event of a rule under emergency powers through the decision of the Republic's President the Armed Forces could assume control of internal order. Nonetheless, little is said regarding the effect of this intervention. The present work aims at, precisely, elucidate this matter through an interpretation of the 1993 Peruvian Constitution and the law which establishes the rules for the use of Force by military personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the emergence of an unexpected victory in Peru's tight presidential election. On June 4, 2006, Alan García of the American Popular Revolutionary Alliance was voted president for a five-year term. It was an astonishing comeback achieved after a fateful administration who was thought unlikely to be chosen again by Peruvians. It likewise claims that García emerged victorious because he promised what most Peruvians wanted like democracy and social justice.

From 1968, a reformist militarY regime in Peru implemented an industrialising development strategy which was fundamentally at odds with the interests of the traditional 'oligarchy' that had dominated the primarY export phase of the country's development. In order to understand this new phase of development it is necessarY to reject the idea of a monolithic 'oligarchy' before 1968, and to see the Peruvian dominant class as already internally differentiated. An important sector of that class was by 1968 committed to the development of industry and of the urban economy generally. Its interests were explicitly at variance with those of the exporting fractions of the Peruvian dominant class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]