Search

Anti-fascist, anti-colonial, and anti-imperial struggles of the twentieth century provide important intellectual and political resources as we collectively seek to forge alternative futures in the face of our depleted political present. Setting out with this analytical and political concern, this article is interested in the question of what it means to visit the archive of past struggles and past insurgencies. It argues for a critical historical method that foregrounds the agency of the insurgents themselves—the agency of women, slaves, foreigners, the poor and the peasants—as the subjects of an insurgent universality (Tomba 2019). The article explores the international brigades fighting the fascists during the Spanish Civil War, the peasants gathered to affirm the Second Havana Declaration, and the audience that comprised Thomas Sankara's speech in Harlem. The artifacts of insurgency, the authors suggest, are embodied expressions of collective struggles written not by one but by a multiplicity. They are the artifacts of a collective political subjectivity united in their insurgent claim to disrupt the temporal and spatial delimitations of politics in modernity—enacting an insurgent universality. The archive of insurgent universality is our future for it provides compelling ways to think, write, and act politically toward the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the relationship between nationalism, populism, and national Catholicism, exploring the connection between Catholicism and nationalism in countries like Spain and Italy. The author argues that national Catholicism was not a result of the Spanish Civil War, but rather a preexisting phenomenon. Additionally, it highlights the relationship between the new nationalism of the 20th century and populism, which emerged after World War II. The article discusses national-populist movements and emphasizes the defense of identity and roots as peculiar characteristics of this populism. The author suggests that young researchers broaden their horizons and study the history of other countries to gain a comparative perspective. [Extracted from the article]

"Transatlantic Radicalism: Socialist and Anarchist Exchanges in the 19th and 20th Centuries" is a collection of essays that emerged from a symposium held in Germany in 2017. The book focuses on the history of radicalism and transnationalism, with an emphasis on the role of individuals in shaping these movements. The essays cover a range of topics, including the relationship between Italian and Brazilian anarchists, the role of individualist anarchists in Panama, and the experiences of exiles in different countries. While the book offers innovative insights, some chapters have weaknesses, such as a lack of historical accuracy and a gender imbalance among the contributors. Overall, the book provides valuable perspectives on transatlantic radicalism but lacks cohesion and dialogue between the authors. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes increasingly militarized state power and public order in twentieth-century Spain, discussing these in the context of other European states' disciplinary regimes, with their ubiquitous social-Darwinist dimension in an era of accelerating urbanization, industrial change and emergent mass societies. The article offers a dissection of the often problematically opaque term 'liberal', arguing that wherever Spain or other twentieth-century European states were positioned on the dictatorial-through-parliamentary-constitutional spectrum, they all came to be 'gardening states' (Bauman). Each state's goal was to sculpt its population as part of a nationalist project – nationalism being the norm, whether named as such or not. Francoism is analysed in this framework, as a hybrid war-born political order blending old-style, top-down military control with new forms of populist mass mobilization from below, the latter enabled and accelerated by the war of 1936–1939. The article defines the Franco dictatorship as fascist in the 1940s and totalitarian for far longer, until macro-economic changes – which its cupola believed for a long time need not affect the deep form of Spanish society – hollowed out Francoism's own ideological categories (and its 'disciplinary' efficacy), but not its obsession with social control, which it called 'social peace'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 19th century, illustrated Bibles reappeared in the Czech environment. On the one hand, these were illustrations taken from the milieu of the Nazarene movement, combining admiration for the old Renaissance and Baroque masters with modern works. On the other hand, particular popularity among Czech Catholics as well as Protestants was enjoyed by the illustrations of Gustave Doré. At the beginning of the 20th century, the circle of Czech bibliophiles conceived the idea of commissioning a completely Czech illustrated Bible. It was implemented in 1936–1939 through the efforts of the private publisher and printer Jaroslav Picka based on the Bible of Kralice, translated by the Unity of the Brethren; this edition was printed in the original typeface of Karel Dyrynk on Velké Losiny paper and supplemented with a number of illustrations, initials and decorations by Jan Konůpek (1883–1950). This complete edition of the New Testament was later complemented by selected passages of the Old Testament. Konůpek had devoted himself to Biblical images from the beginning of his career. His Biblical illustration work is mainly associated with the books of Arno Sáňka, Miloslav Novotný, Josef Portman, Jakub Deml and the above-mentioned Jaroslav Picka. Konůpek’s work is characterised by a combination of Biblical stories with Czech nature, architecture and history. His Biblical illustrations are still unique and remarkable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chamedes concludes her account by noting that, despite the decline of Catholic anticommunist internationalism, the Vatican has remained an important actor on the international stage. In her excellent 2019 book I A Twentieth-Century Crusade i , Giuliana Chamedes calls on scholars to 'bring the Vatican from the margins to the centre of the history of the twentieth century' (p. 7). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Madrygal: Revista de Estudios Gallegos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of kul-tur: Revista Interdisciplinària Sobre la Cultura de la Ciutat is the property of kul-tur: Revista Interdisciplinaria Sobre la Cultura de la Ciutat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This paper presents a descriptive analysis of elite women's biographical sketches in Who's Who-type collections, now out of copyright, published in Australia in the 1930s: Victoria (1934), New South Wales (1936) and Queensland (1939). It concentrates on information given about their schooling. Design/methodology/approach: The biographical sketches of the women, defined as "elite" by their inclusion in three collections from the 1930s, were examined for information about their and their daughters' education. Using mixed methods in a prosopographical approach, this is mainly a quantitative analysis. It outlines and compares the schools they attended where given as well as providing basic demographic details of the 491 women. Findings: The paper shows that, for those who gave educational details, the women and their daughters attended private schools almost exclusively. Three types of schools were listed – private venture, corporate, and a very few state schools. The paper demonstrates that the landscape for girls' secondary schooling was not a settled terrain in terms of type, place, religion, or age of schools available for elite girls' education in the late 19th and early 20th century. Private schools are shown to be part of the "machinery of exclusiveness which characterised the inter-war years" (Teese, 1998, p. 402) and private venture schools survived well into the third decade of the 20th century. Originality/value: Beyond the histories of individual schools, little is known about the educational profile of Australian elite women in the past. This largely quantitative analysis helps to uncover and compare across state-based cohorts, previously unknown demographic, and schooling details for interwar women who recorded their educational details, as well as for the NSW and Victorian daughters where given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Educación is the property of Espacio, Tiempo y Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay focuses on two previously unpublished photographs of the Dream of Charlemagne, one of most famous illuminations from the twelfth-century Codex Calixtinus (Santiago Cathedral Library, MS. CF 14), which allow the reconstruction of details of its composition that seemed to have been lost. The search for these photographs goes parallel with an immersion in the archive of the Seminario de Estudos Galegos, a research institution that was preparing the first modern edition of the Codex Calixtinus, including photographs of its illuminations, when the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936. The Seminario was closed down after the war by the Francoist regime leaving the scattered galleys of the Codex Calixtinus edition as its last ruined monument. I propose a Benjaminian pilgrimage through the archive of the Seminario, taking the Dream of Charlemagne as a "dialectical image" allowing us to meditate on the historical processes to which this illumination bears witness. The article engages with the theory and materiality of photography, the archaeology of archives, and the significance of medieval manuscripts as national emblems in the twentieth century. As a coda, it reveals the medieval model inspiring Paul Klee's Angelus Novus, turned by Walter Benjamin into an image of his "angel of history." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although he was the military leader of the winning Nationalist side during the Spanish Civil War, Francisco Franco’s place in history has been largely defined by his subsequent long-term political role as head of the Spanish fascist state. Up to now, those historians who have assessed his military acumen have tended to give him low marks, particularly on the grounds that his poor grasp of strategy and tactics unnecessarily prolonged the Civil War and led to an inordinately high number of casualties. Recently, however, some historians have begun to reconsider Franco’s skills as a military leader, by viewing his performance within the context of his own cultural and political environment, rather than that of a later era or of other national military traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Desbandá is one of the most sinister and darkest episodes of Franco's repression in Andalusia during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Occurring after the fall of Malaga on 8 February 1937, the forced displacement and massacre of thousands of civilians by the Nazi air force (which tried out attacks in this episode that would later be repeated in Guernica) was widely reported in the international press at the time. There were photo reports such as the one by Gerda Taro and Robert Capa published by the French magazine Regards, as well as a chronicle with photographs taken on the ground and published in book form under the title El crimen de la carretera de Málaga a Almería (1937) by Norman Bethune. Recent discoveries such as the work of Antoni Campañà allow us to offer, for the first time, an integrating and novel view: the representation of human experience(s) based on the same collective trauma through photography as a means of mass communication in the Western context of the first third of the 20th century, and as a prologue to what was to become World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes political discourses in Latin America regarding democracy, nation, and representation in the 19th and 20th centuries. Different works are presented that address these issues from various perspectives, such as the democratic transition in Uruguay, representations of independence in Paraguay, and disputes over popular participation in Argentina. It also analyzes how Colombian publicists interpreted the French Revolution of 1848. The article examines notions and discursive disputes surrounding socialism in Colombia and Mexico in the 19th century, historical memory in Brazil, the Spanish Civil War in Basque nationalism, and the developmental policies of CEPAL in Ecuador and attempts at industrialization under the government of Rafael Correa. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Moenia: Revista Lucense de Lingüística & Literatura is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales de Filología Francesa is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spanish intellectuals María Zambrano and José Gaos were notable disciples ofJosé Ortega y Gasset, who understood in their own way the "silence" that their mentor kept during the Spanish Civil War, living in exile in a unique way. Their interpretations refer, on the one hand, to the problem of the word and the silence that both surrounds it and makes it possible, especially if it is "prophetic", while, on the other hand, they allude to the meaning that the figure of the intellectual came to have given this new, unprecedented phenomenon that dominated this stage of Western societies in the 20th century, namely the "masses". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Business History in Spain (19th and 20th Centuries): Edited by Mercedes Fernández-Paradas and Carlos Larrinaga, Berlin, Peter Lang, 2021, 237pp, €40.20 (hardback), ISBN 9783631843857 Two other business cases are inserted at the end of the book: Lacave & Co., a wine exporter from Cadiz, and Hoteles Unidos. The first produced gas manufactured from coal, which caused serious problems during the autarchy of Franco's Spain that followed the Civil War (1936-1939), since national coal was of poor quality. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the Mexican state's surveillance of Spanish political exiles. As the Mexican government publicly welcomed over 20,000 political refugees fleeing the Spanish Civil War (1936–9), its intelligence apparatus characterised anarchist and communist refugees as subversive threats to the Mexican nation. Despite these efforts, the Mexican secret police failed to prevent the emergence of new political bonds between the two countries' popular classes. This article shows the consequences of the Mexican secret police's campaign against radical exiles while also highlighting instances in which Spaniards evaded the state's purview and contributed to revolutionary projects in Mexico, Latin America and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a new explanation for why brutalization occurred in only some parts of Europe in the first half of the twentieth century. The presence of veterans hardened by war was not enough for a broader brutalization of society to take place; the presence of pre-existing institutions with experience repressing civilian populations was also necessary so that their methods could then be applied more broadly by those in favour of employing brutality in political contestation and warfare. This article examines the repression of the rebellion of October 1934 in the Asturias region and the beginning of the Spanish Civil War as examples of this chain of events. Spain's militarized police force, the Civil Guard, had a long history of dealing harshly with those who challenged the liberal regimes of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In the suppression of the Asturias revolt, colonial officers were able to apply the Civil Guard's pre-existing methods on a wider scale in their effort to cleanse Spanish society of radical elements. In the Civil War, they extended a similar pattern of repression across the entire country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Street trade has existed in Brazil since the colonial period, practised by free blacks and slaves. The aim of this study is to show the changes in this trade in cities such as Rio de Janeiro and Recife, from the Imperial period to the Estado Novo of the Vargas government, marking Eastern influences, especially Islamic, introduced by slaves and Portuguese slaves and colonisers, until the arrival of New European immigrants in the first decades of the 20th century. The study is based on the analysis of extracts and images of works by three authors: Jean-Baptiste Debret, in Viagem pitoresca e histórica ao Brasil (1835-1839); Gilberto Freyre, in Casa-grande & Senzala (1933), Sobrados e mucambos (1936) and Guia prático, histórico e sentimental do Recife (1934); Cecilia Meireles (1941), in the chronicle "Pelas ruas do Rio", published in Travel in Brazil magazine, illustrated with photographs by Jean Manzon. It is also intended to show the intersection between this trade and the conceptions of traveller and tourist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comunicación is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The impact of the Spanish Civil War has been widely studied with respect to the Argentine case. The contribution of this article is to study the public and cultural life of one of the most prestigious Spanish institutions in Argentina: the Spanish Cultural Institution of Buenos Aires (ICEBA). While the association was responsible for Spanish cultural diplomacy in the country, the ICEBA had official ties with successive Spanish governments, both democratic and dictatorial. This article focuses on its position relating Franco's triumph and the different inflections that the ICEBA used surrounding the idea of Hispanidad. The article analyzes the institution's archives, along with other official archives and press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the course of human history, the League of Nations represents a crucial experience. Due to its penchant for deciding conflicts by violent means, the international order in the twentieth century destroyed itself twice, once in 1914 and again in 1939. The League provided forthe building of networks among administrators, experts, civil society, and political decision-makers thereby laying the groundwork for multilateralism. However, it failed in its task to ensure collective security as the new peaceful order paid too little attention to the stabilization of new democracies. Furthermore, the great powers continued to pursue their imperial style of politics and missed the opportunity to activate the kind of solidarity required to make this states' system work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals the influence of the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) on both the reformers of Guatemala's 'Revolutionary Spring' (1944–54) and the reactionaries who overthrew Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. It shows how officials in the Arévalo and Arbenz administrations looked to the defeated Second Spanish Republic as a moral and political example, while local opponents of those administrations treated Spain's Nationalist insurgency and Francisco Franco's dictatorship as models for how to exterminate communism. In so doing, the article argues for the importance of multi-sited transnational Cold War histories that complement existing studies of US intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text is a review of a book titled "History of the Augustinian Recollects (vol. III: the 20th century, volume I: 1898-1948)". The author highlights the importance of the interaction between religion and politics in the 20th century, as well as the need to further investigate the struggle for power in contemporary Mediterranean Europe. The book covers the history of the Order of Augustinian Recollects from 1898 to 1948, including events such as the Spanish Civil War, World War II, and the Second Vatican Council. The author praises the historical rigor and synthesis ability of the book's author, and highlights the importance of the missions entrusted to the Order throughout the 20th century. [Extracted from the article]

The policy of the British Conservative government towards the Spanish Civil War reflected the general policy of appeasement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. It was influenced by a belief that the legitimate Spanish Republican Government was the puppet of extreme left Socialists and Communists. Accordingly, the British Cabinet adopted a policy of benevolent neutrality towards the military insurgents, with the covert aim of avoiding any direct or indirect help to the Popular Front Government. The official British line on the Spanish crisis was one of non-intervention despite awareness of the scale of German and Italian aid to the military rebels. The contradictions and deceit behind non-intervention were finally exposed by the humiliations suffered by the British government during the war in the Basque Country in the spring and early summer of 1937. Franco’s attempts to prevent the delivery of sea-borne food supplies to a starving Bilbao challenged the Government’s responsibility to protect British merchant shipping. At first, London accepted the rebel contention that they had effectively blockaded Bilbao and that Royal Navy protection of merchant shipping constituted intervention on the side of the Republic. On the basis of information supplied by the Times correspondent, George Steer, a campaign was mounted in parliament and the press which forced the government into a humiliating volte-face. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the dynamics of internal resettlement in times of civil war by using a novel dataset of all municipalities of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39), which includes information on the total number of internally displaced from other parts of Spain that sought refuge in Catalan localities during the civil war. The dataset, which also incorporates information on relevant covariates, is built with a combination of primary (i.e. archival) and secondary sources. The results of the multivariate analyses indicate that political identities have a significant impact on resettlement: people tend to relocate to places where they can find others who share their political and/or ethnic identity; we see this reflected in political and ethnic alignments at the municipal level. In addition, the article uncovers a relevant dynamic in the diffusion of violence at the local level: the arrival of internal refugees in a new locality may have the unintended effect of increasing levels of direct violence due to its role in disseminating credible news of atrocities committed by the other side. The implications of this study go beyond the Spanish case and make a contribution to unpacking dynamics of violence and internal displacement in civil wars. The article also sheds light on some of the mechanisms by which refugee flows can play a role in the diffusion of violence throughout a given country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article charts the personal history of Emilio Griffiths Navarro, a key individual in the Francoist administration in the Campo de Gibraltar (Cádiz province) during the early months of the Spanish Civil War. Griffiths is used as a case study to analyse the dynamics of Francoist repression in Southern Spain, and in particular the construction of what Rúben Serém has referred to as the ‘kleptocratic state’ that Franco’s fellow conspirator, General Queipo de Llano, constructed in the South. The article reaffirms the degree to which personal networks, personal rivalries and personal gain played a role in the Francoist repression. As a local case study, it also notes the unique conditions provided by rebel Spain’s border with British Gibraltar, and how this shaped the nature and extent of that repression. The article charts Griffiths’ own demise, from senior rebel official to arrest and unexplained death at the hands of Francoist security forces just 10 months later, and uses the mystery to further speculate as to rivalries and repression in early-Francoist Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the Canadian Foreign Enlistment Act of 1937 which prohibited recruiting and volunteering of Canadians to fight in the Spanish Civil War. It provides a historical context for the law and cities influences from British statutes. The article goes to examine the Foreign Enlistment Act's impact on future recruitment and enlistment practices in Canada.

The article deals with the analysis of publications of British Fascists newspapers 'Action' and 'The Blackshirt' during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. The main directions of image of enemy formation are studied on the example of these papers. Forms of presentation and ways of international problems interpreting by far-right publications are studied. The fascist newspaper Action, The Fascist Week and The Blackshirt spoke from the position of nationalism, Imperial identity, anti-liberalism, anti-Soviet and anti-Semitism. The concept of "communism" in the pages of the fascist press has accumulated the most precisely the image of enemy. Articles and notes shaped confusion between "Soviet", "red" and "Communist". The USSR seemed to be "the warmonger" and the "architect of the Civil war in Spain". The destructive role of Soviet Russia in the conflict was proved in the British fascist press. Soviet Union was accused of seeking to plunge Spain and Europe into anarchy. In British fascist publications trend towards stereotyping and myth-making were noticeable, they were opposed to "Western" civilization (as individualistic) and "Eastern", "Communist" (oppressive, traditionalist). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Single party, single militia, single worker’s union, on these three pillars the great Spain of tomorrow will be built’, wrote Mussolini to Franco in August 1937, only four months after the new single party, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, was created. From the Duce’s point of view, all the political tools developed to achieve a brilliant present and a greater future were the result of Italian intervention in the Spanish Civil War. The political implementation of fascism, the single party, corporativism, propaganda and economic modernization were considered to have been derived from Italy’s military and diplomatic involvement in Spain. But, surprisingly, that political presence has largely been undervalued by historians examining the political construction and nature of Franco’s Spain. This article re-evaluates the importance, and limits, of Mussolini’s political project in Spain: fascistization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]