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Economic integration is an extremely important institutional structure for countries in international trade, which is highly competitive, with the level of globalisation, innovation and communication technology. Economic integration, which leads to the formation of a resilient economic wall, such as risk sharing, increasing investment opportunities, free trade structure, technology transfer opportunities, common competitiveness against countries outside the union, began in the modern world with the Second World War, and examples began to be seen around the world in the 1990s when globalisation accelerated. The analysis was carried out using the Todo-Yamamoto method in the SPSS program. Due to its geopolitical position (both historical and geographical proximity to Europe, Asia and the Middle East), Turkey is in a more advantageous position than other countries in the world in terms of establishing or becoming economically integrated. However, Turkey's history of economic integration has been rather unsuccessful. The fact that it has not made a sufficient contribution to the integration it has established or attempted to become a member of, and that it has become a unipolar rather than a multipolar integrator, means that it has not achieved sufficient efficiency in terms of international trade. For this reason, our study analyses Turkey's relationship with Eurasian economic integration, with the idea that Turkey is striving for multipolar integration. In our study, the impact of the Eurasian Economic Integration's foreign trade with Turkey on Turkey's economic growth and exports of high-tech products was analysed with the Todo-Yamamoto Co-Integration Test in two periods, 2002-2015 and 2015-2022. As a result of the analysis, it is found that Eurasian Economic Integration has a positive effect on Turkey's economic growth and exports of high-tech products. In the light of the data obtained, it has been assessed that the expansion of economic integration relations with the EEE and the benefits to be derived from the membership relationship will contribute to both Turkey's economic growth and its technological infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs interviews and primary and secondary sources to examine the discrimination, securitization, and instrumentalization faced by four main Christian denominations throughout Turkish history: the Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, and Protestant communities. We shed light on how some religious minority groups have been utilized and represented within the framework of Turkish diplomacy and the pursuit of neo-Ottomanism. We contend that the blanket term 'Christian' is less applicable in Turkey's context, where religion becomes intricately intertwined with ethnicity. Thus, it becomes imperative to investigate each non-Muslim community independently, considering their unique trajectories, historical traumas, internal divisions, and relationships with the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to exhibit a bibliometric analysis of historical studies on Turkey. A total of 1288 articles from 230 journals indexed in the Web of Science (WoS) database in the years 1975 – 2023 were used in the analysis. The analysis aims to provide a review of historical studies on Turkey by identifying the dynamics of research by presenting the periodical process, current situation, and future directions. The main focus of the analysis is set to the recent history of Turkey. Therefore, the scope of the study was defined as Turkey’s founding period, its aftermath, and the period up to the present day, and accordingly, the keywords ‘Turkey’, ‘Turkish Republic’, and ‘Republic of Turkey’ was utilized in the search query in the WoS database. On the data obtained, it is observed that the word ‘Turkey’ is found to be more than ‘Turkish Republic’ and ‘Republic of Turkey’ in the published articles. Also, most of the studies on Turkey were conducted in Turkey by Turkish authors. In this study, it is observed that the historical studies on Turkey are differentiated not only according to internal developments in Turkey, such as the foundation of the Republic, World War I, nationalism, etc. but also according to the effects of external factors, such as issues concerning asylum seekers/migrants, and regional issues such as the Middle East and the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cem Yılmaz's comedic persona is unique in interweaving Turkish film history and Anglophone popular culture across multiple media platforms. This persona has almost become synonymous with comedy in Turkey. Placing an emphasis on Yılmaz as a reflection of the nation's transnational media consumption, the present article offers a closer look at how different media texts contribute to Yılmaz's multimedia stardom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effects of socio-economic and political events on the control and management of aesthetics by analysing Turkey's urban planning process using Istanbul as the case study. The external events were analysed in Istanbul by exploring the historical patterns of Turkey's urban planning and development history. The urban aesthetics concept, characterized by different periods from the late Ottoman era until today, includes the involvement, development, and continuity of different concepts of aesthetics in the planning process. In this study, the path dependence concept has been used as a methodology, which reveals that critical junctures or major changes have happened by changing economic and political conditions at the national and international levels. Five critical junctures were identified. The findings indicate that path dependence and trajectories revealed different institutional structures without any integrity for aesthetic control under planning regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surrounded by seas on three sides, Turkey is a rare country that is geographically Asian, European, Middle Eastern and Mediterranean. Turkey, which has the most important straits (Istanbul and Çanakkale) in terms of sea routes in the world and is a unique country in terms of its geostrategic and geopolitical location, is also located on the most intense earthquake fault lines in the world. Therefore, hundreds of thousands of people have lost their lives and millions have been disabled in Turkey, which has witnessed many devastating earthquakes throughout history. In addition, due to earthquakes, great financial losses have been experienced in Turkey. The last of the most frightening earthquakes in the history of Turkey hit ten provinces in Kahramanmaraş on February 6, 2023. Tens of thousands of people died as a result of this earthquake. Again, tens of thousands of them were injured and maimed. The cities where the earthquake took place turned into rubble. Search-rescue, material and moral aids were provided from all over the world. Uzbekistan was one of the countries that came to help from the first day. Uzbek Turks also collected donations as a people and sent aid to Turkey. However, the loyalty and love that the Uzbek Turks showed in the spiritual sense was experienced in the field of literature. For instance, some majör earthquakes that took place in Turkey in the 20th and 21th centuries were reflected in Uzbek poetry. These poems are chronologically about to the great earthquakes that occured in Kars and Ardahan provinces in 1910's and in ten cities centered in Kahramanmaraş in 2023. The poems in question are offer condolences and patience to the Turks of Turkey, top ray, to invite the Turkic-Islamic world to urgently provide material and moral assistance to Turkey and its people; The call of the Turkish nation to stand upright in order not to make their enemies happy, consists of themes and contents, just as the problems of the Turks of Turkey are the problems of the Uzbek Turks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article interrogates the role of print culture and visual communication design in the permeation of Turkish national consciousness into everyday practices. It seeks to understand the phenomenon of "banal nationalism," argued by Michael Billig, in a broader context of cultural production advocated by Tim Edensor. It does this by looking into Turkey's first liberalization period in the 1950s where a boosting print industry, a standard print language, and high literacy contributed to the daily reproduction of a collective historical past through representations. This period is analyzed through publications like Sunday comic strips, advertorial giveaways, and illustrated history journals that emulate popular American formats in the commodification of history. These are treated as material tools to present and disseminate an imaginary reconciliation of secular modernism with imperial history in a new print culture. This analysis reveals how representations in the foreground of everyday cultural artifacts are used to produce and reproduce difference that designates a distinct national consciousness detached from the realm of state. It also sheds light on the prevalence of identity negotiation and the commoditization of culture in the professionalization of visual communication disciplines in non-Western design paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is one of the important parameters that cause social change and transformation. When we look at the history of Turkey, it is seen that there has been an intense migration mobility since the 1950s and almost every structure, such as spatial, artistic, etc., from the socio-economic structure of the country has been affected by these migrations. Among the aforementioned migrations, the external migrations originating from Turkey, which occurred as a result of bilateral agreements with European countries in the 1960s, have a special importance. Because this is the only voluntary migration made by agreements between states in the history of the Republic of Turkey. Cinema films are one of the areas where the artistic reflections of social events and phenomena experienced due to migration can be watched. While migration, poverty, urbanization and social change stand out as the main themes in these films, the above-mentioned external migration experienced as a result of the labor demand arising from European countries, especially Germany, after the Second World War, also indicates that the long-term social effects of migration are reflected in the European countries that migrate. After its appearance in their country, it was reflected in cinema films. In this study, the films " Almanya Acı Vatan ", "Gurbetçi Şaban" "Berlin in Berlin" and "Duvara Karşı", which are about the migration events from Turkey to Germany, were analyzed and sociological, economic, psychological etc. effects are discussed through movies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Çağrı Bey, a leader of the Great Seljuks, launched Eastern Anatolia Campaign in the first quarter of the 11th century, which marked the beginning of a 60-year period of Anatolian raids until the Seljuk conquest of Anatolia. Following the campaign, Çağrı Bey envisioned to make Anatolia a homeland for the Turk, as he did not observe any visible powers that could resist to them in the region. Considering Anatolia a fairly easy location for conquest, until the Battle of Manzikert, the Turk organized several military raids against the region for different reasons such as jihad, spoils of war and expeditions. During these raids, Seljuk victory at the Battle of Kapetron in 1048 and Turkish conquest of Ani in 1064 were important military achievements for the Seljuk state, which was followed by the victory at the Battle of Manzikert against the Byzantine Empire in 1071. Thus, the Seljuk took the first step to turn Anatolia into a Turkish territory. After the Battle of Manzikert, both Alp Arslan and Melikshah adopted effective conquest and settlement policies to turn Anatolia into a Turkish homeland in a very short period of time. The Crusaders were unable to remove the Turk from Anatolia. The Byzantine Empire acknowledged Turkish sovereignty over Anatolia after Turkish victory at the Battle of Myriokephalon. The conquests following the Battle of Manzikert initiated Turkish history which would continue until the present day. The present study focuses on Seljuk policies in Anatolia as a Turkish territory and the roles of first Anatolian principalities in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blame avoidance has been one of the most applied strategies by policy makers in both democratic and non-democratic regimes to avoid responsibility and accountability in cases of failure and tragic events. It is also known that politicians have used religion for Machiavellian purposes, as exactly advised by Machiavelli. However, a systematic empirical analysis of how religion is used for blame avoidance by politicians has not been conducted. In this article, we aim to address this gap by examining the empirical data derived from the weekly Friday sermon texts produced by Turkey's Directorate of Religious Affairs and delivered in more than 90 thousand mosques every week to a large segment of the population in Turkey, where the majority claims to be religious. Starting with its violent response to the peaceful Gezi protests in 2013, the ruling AKP has opened up a new phase in Turkish political history by resorting to civilizational populism: it blamed the Western world for financing and masterminding the protests, using the protestors as internal pawns to attack Turkey and the Muslim World, suppressed the protests brutally and entered into a populist authoritarian regime. Our paper shows, following this turn, how the Diyanet sermons started using religion to help with the AKP's blame avoidance. The Diyanet either parroted the AKP's conspiratorial narrative or tried to convince the citizens that all negativities are works of God and with these humans are being tested by God. The AKP's use of religion to avoid blame is a text-book case of how both a religious institution and religious discourse can be used to help the incumbent avoid responsibility. Whenever, there was a problem that would the AKP votes, the Diyanet's sermons tried to shift the blame to either God or citizens or conspiratorial enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Türkiye has experimented with the cyclical transformation in its security perception directly by experiencing after the September 12th Military Coup D'état of 1980 and was a subject of this conceptual and practical transformation of security. The mutation of internal and regional issue fields, under the structural constraints which dictate its own conditions and has their own multiplying effect on the internal and regional developments; in the meantime, diffusion of the structure pushed Turkey to be subjected to the spiralling in securitization processes with an increasing tempo. Türkiye, which leaned on the security guarantees of the structure, has given up this idea of traditional security readings per the transformation of the structure's security posture. In this context, security issue fields, under the clout of governing bodies and regional/structural transformations, led Türkiye, to rely on international structure, respond only the direct threats, and follow a proactive security strategy, respectively. This method of sustaining the security of Türkiye has been perceived as 'expansionist' in the minds of the other actors. Nevertheless, the security concepts in the emerging era are lacking to explain the security situations while state actors are pushed to handle the securitization multi-layered flexible and with alternative approaches against both hard and soft security threats where non-state actors are part of it. All in all, this research scrutinizes the transformation of such security perception by taking the modern era of Turkish political history as the turning point and evaluates the preferred securitization of Türkiye in this modern term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military rule that was inaugurated by the coup d'état of 12 September 1980 plays a key role in the history of modern Turkey. With this seizure of power, the third since the foundation of the republic, the military promoted a set of reforms that radically reshaped the political system, the institutions, and society. Even though elections were held three years later, the regime left an enduring legacy that remains hard to come to terms with. At the same time, studies on the military era have started to flourish almost simultaneously and the regime never ceased to be a prominent research object. This article maps the historiography on the 1980 era by discussing a selection of publications that in the past forty years opened the debate or led it in new directions. The article engages with the work of scholars from various disciplines and academic traditions, without neglecting publications by journalists and other authors. Even from this mapping, that includes a small and not exhaustive sample of studies, the 1980 era emerges as an undoubtedly complex period, whose understanding can count, however, on a set of landmark publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines Turkish-Bulgarian relations and the way they play into domestic politics in Bulgaria and Turkey, as well as at the EU level. Turkish-Bulgarian relations are complex and burdened with a long and complicated history that has left affected populations on both sides of the border and an array of political actors that argue over and exploit that history. In addition, Turkish-Bulgarian relations represent a delicate balancing act, as they take place within the context of a complex international political environment and growing tensions between Turkey and the EU. I argue that in order to understand current dynamics in bilateral relations, we must examine them through three lenses: 1) EU-Turkish relations and Bulgaria as an agent in this dynamic, 2) domestic politics in Bulgaria and the way bilateral relations are influenced and exploited by domestic political actors, and 3) domestic politics in Turkey and the potential benefit bilateral relations and political rhetoric towards Bulgaria can bring to Erdogan's ruling party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides an account of the infatuation, common amongst young Turkish intellectuals of the 1920s, with Mustafa Kemal, the future Atatürk, 'Father of the Turks', by examining the career of Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu between 1908 and the late 1930s. In order to explain Karaosmanoglu's complete turnaround in his understanding of both art and life-style, provoked by his encounter with the powerful figure of the 'Saviour of the nation', this contribution investigates the emasculating and infantilising effects of the long process of Ottoman modernisation imposed upon the empire's Muslim community by the Sultan, traditionally perceived as an imaginary father figure for the faithful, charged with safeguarding the right order of things as prescribed by God. The very fact that the Sultan himself acted as the driving force of the modernisation process deeply troubled the community of the faithful because, in their eyes, this process implied the Sultan's abdication of his traditional duty as a father figure. In his literary production, memoirs, and political engagement, Karaosmanoğlu provides important clues for understanding the effects of these dynamics in the construction of male subjectivity and of power relations in this fundamental period of Turkish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Turkey has gone through many reforms that have been legitimized by country's historical legacy. The constitutive elements of this legacy are images, historical figures, events, and symbolisms embedded in memory. It is through those elements that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the leader of the Justice and Development Party sets himself up as the appropriate narrator and appropriate doer, incrementally gaining an upper hand in the legitimacy struggles by telling stories from history, emerging as the new founding father of Turkey and introducing new policies rooted in the legacy of the past. How has he been able to occupy such a position of superiority through the struggles for legitimacy in Turkish politics? This paper critically argues that Erdoğan first set up his personality, imposing himself as the most appropriate narrator and finally showing himself to be the most appropriate doer, by crafting his political communication with symbols and figures from history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of Hydrobiology is the property of NK Yayincilik Egitim Hizmetleri and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article introduces an original dataset on debates in the Turkish Grand Assembly before, during, and after the 2013 Gezi Protests, the biggest wave of demonstrations in Turkey's history. The dataset contains 3478 coded interventions from a total of 230 days in parliament, between May 2012 and February 2014, and provides a unique insight into how political elites responded to the events, as well as the extent to which they addressed the main demands. The article describes the merits of this approach, and the practical steps to create such a dataset in Turkey and other Mediterranean countries. The article suggests that parliamentary debates are very useful for identifying and analysing political discussions and decision-making, as they reveal a level of nuance that alternative data sources do not provide, and track changes over time with a high degree of sensitivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s ambition to get to the top of the largest economies is obvious. This is also the reason in 2013 China launched the largest initiative in modern history – the Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) – to revive the ancient Silk Road using state-of-the-art technology and to connect the Eurasian continent. In this context, China has cooperated with many countries, including Turkey. China and Turkey have a history of complicated relations, but it turns out that it is the cooperation on the ongoing projects of the BRI that could improve relations. This article aims to highlight Turkey’s position in the BRI, describes relations between these countries, analyses mutual trade, Chinese investment in Turkish territory and focuses on major projects under the initiative. The results showed that countries in economic interest are deepening their mutual cooperation despite cultural and ethical problems, but there is a large imbalance in market reciprocity. The paper also points out the most important BRI projects, with the opening of the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway being identified as the most significant project implemented. This railway opens an alternative land route so-called southern branch of the New Silk Road. Turkey is becoming an important country as a gateway to Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey served for five years in the UN Security Council during the early Cold War period. Throughout its service, first in 1951–1952, then in 1954–1955, finally in 1961, Turkey joined 201 voting sessions, and gave many statements on matters before the Security Council. The three electoral campaigns of Turkey for the temporary seat in the Council, and its voting and statement performance during a 5-year service are very informative not only about Turkey's foreign policy but also about the behavior of small powers during the early Cold War period and the working of the Security Council, the most important international institution. Therefore, this article aims to provide a short story of Turkey's election to and performance in the Security Council, analyze its voting preferences during temporary membership, and debate Turkey's voting motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to depict the historical background and recent developments of education on fisheries, aquaculture, and aquatic animal diseases in veterinary faculties in Turkey. Data collected by verbal communication with the deanships of veterinary faculties in Turkey and the exploration of their web sites, as well as original documents obtained first-hand from the archives of the Ankara, Ondokuz Mayıs, Bursa Uludağ, Erciyes, Harran, and Aksaray Veterinary Faculties, constituted the main material of this study. Data were assessed by means of the content analysis. In Turkey, while fisheries and aquaculture were first included in the veterinary curriculum in the 1940s as a joint lecture, under the name of Honeybee and Fish Diseases", the first department was established in 1967 within the Ankara University Veterinary Faculty. In the following years, counterpart departments were established within the veterinary faculties in Elazığ and İstanbul. However, after the reorganisation of higher education in 1981, it was decided to close down those departments. The significant advances of the aquaculture sector by the end of the 20th century, requiring the employment of veterinarians in this sector, and the inclusion of this field in the acquis of the European Union led to relevant lectures being reincluded in the curricula of veterinary faculties in Turkey and relevant departments being established within these faculties. It has been determined that, today, while 5 veterinary faculties continue with related education and training activities and academic research under the tutelage of departments of fisheries, aquaculture, and aquatic animal diseases, 21 veterinary faculties with no counterpart departments have included lectures on fisheries, aquaculture, and aquatic animal diseases in their curricula. It is considered that in order to improve the aquatic animal health status and to meet the increasing demand for veterinary human resources of the sector in Turkey, education and research opportunities offered by veterinary educational institutions need to be increased, and the authorities and responsibilities of the different occupational stakeholder groups involved in fisheries and aquaculture should be clearly demarcated in the legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Succeeding a period of wars and political turmoil, the reassuring policies of the new regime of Turkey positively influenced all branches of science, including geology which provided a basis for the earliest studies in paleontology, as it had done in the former Ottoman Turkey. Although most of the specialists were still foreigners during the early years of the republic, the government of Turkey under the leadership of Atatürk, rapidly established modern institutions in order to train native earth scientists and engineers of all sorts. Turkish paleontologists began to replace their foreign colleagues by the 1940s; and female Turkish paleontologists became especially prominent not only in the universities but also in the national geological surveys and mapping, and in fossil fuel exploration. Subsequent to their separation from departments of natural sciences, teaching fundamentals of paleontology was taken on by geology departments which, by the 1960s, started to evolve into departments of geological engineering. As a result, most Turkish paleontologists are geologists and most of them specialized either in micropaleontology or paleobotany. In contrast, paleontology of late Cenozoic mammals is dominated by graduates of anthropology programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern paleontology in Turkey appeared in the early nineteenth century, together with the first modern geological studies. The fossils collected in these studies were initially used to establish biostratigraphy and to make the first geological maps of the country. Paleontologists were involved in these studies from the beginning; the earliest identifications of new animal and plant taxa from Turkey occurred in the same century along with the detailed descriptions of the rich and diverse Turkish fossil record. Aside from the academic studies, some paleontologists also took part in the economic side by contributing to stratigraphic analysis of coal beds or participating in petroleum exploration. All these pioneering works on the geology and paleontology of Turkey were done by foreigners; however, the outcomes of this newly introduced science were quickly appreciated by Ottoman Turkey. During the middle of the nineteenth century, the first text mentioning geological processes was written by the head scholar of the Imperial School of Military Engineering, while the first geology classes began to be taught under the Imperial Medical School in Istanbul, in which the first natural history collection was also established. Unfortunately, not a single original study in paleontology was produced by Ottoman citizens, with the notable exception of an Austrian immigrant of Hungarian descent, possibly because of a lack of a real interest in earth sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the dynamics of diasporas' boundaries with a focus on the cooperation between Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar diaspora groups in Canada and Turkey. The comparison draws on representative examples of diaspora groups' reactions and collective actions during the unfolding of the Ukrainian Crisis 2014-2016. Starting with the study of the diaspora groups' history in Turkey and Canada during the 20th -21st centuries, we argue that the complicated ornament of ethnic collective traumas, both caused by Tsarist Russia, the Soviet Union, and the recent crisis compel diasporas to recalculate their separate goals and to proceed with a common agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainable development is the foundation of economic and social policies for all countries in world. In 2018, 55.3% of the world population lives in cities and this ratio is expected to exceed 75% in 2030. In this context, the growth of cities should be controlled and directed. The cities, without a forward looking city policy, are in desperate straits towards to disasters. The city should be harmonized with the nature meanwhile enhancing the city life quality. Sustainable cities ensure harmony between the men and the nature and prepare the city to disasters while smart cities help to recover cities by means of information communication technologies. Thus, the cities would not be vulnerable against the disasters. In Turkey, instead following a national or sectorial disaster struggle polices, cities emerge as a niche. 1999 Marmara earthquake, the highest loss from a disaster in the history of Turkey, analyzed according to these concepts. The government should transform from fatalistic, curative, reactive to self-confident, protective and pro-active in the framework of sustainable and smart cities in Turkey. It is clear that cities need to be sustainable and smart to be prepared for the disasters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hop-Çiki-Yaya Polisiyesi is a Turkish crime novel series by Mehmet Murat Somer that appeared between 2003 and 2004. The series is set in the trans world of Istanbul, and the hero/heroine is a gender-nonbinary sleuth. The present essay explores the paradox at the heart of this series, which on the one hand offers an affirmative portrait of a sex-positive and sociopolitically mobile trans world, and on the other hand exposes the reality of trans murders and the necropolitics as well as bare life politics in practice against the trans community in Turkey. The publication of these novels coincided with the emergence of an LGBTQ+politics in Turkey but also with the rise to power of the Islamist Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party). Drawing on crime fiction theories, trans studies, and recent Turkish history, this essay draws out the significance of this series and its place in the trajectory of LGBTQ+life in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyse the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), its implications and legacy. Concluded a hundred years ago, this Treaty sought to partition what remained of the then Ottoman Empire. The Turkish war of independence ensured that this did not materialize and abrogated the SèvresTreaty. While this non-implemented treaty still resonates in Turkey, relatively little continues to be published in English language publications. This article seeks to fill this void by analysing the text, context and the legacy of this Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology / Sosyoloji Dergisi is the property of Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Women's Library and Information Centre Foundation (WLICF) in Istanbul is a non-profit institution founded in 1990. It is a library of women's artistic and literary works, but it also keeps collections of periodicals, manuscripts, personal documents, audio and video material, rare works and other sources related to women's life and reality from the Ottoman times until today. The library owns more than 14.000 books, 48 private archives, more than 469 periodicals, a lot of artistic works, paintings, sculptures made by women etc. This institution organized several symposiums and workshops, a lot of public conferences and readings, and prepared dozens of round tables and exhibitions. Among these activities, the Library published several books and works on a variety of projects concerning digitalization of old periodicals and sources. This paper presents the library itself, but also gives an overview of two phenomena that allow an essential understanding of the specifics of its activities in modern Turkey. One is the institution of waqf, the most convincing expression of solidarity and the mutual assistance of the population without which it is impossible to imagine urban life in the Ottoman Empire. In that way -- as a result of private initiative and investment of private capital, the Women's Library in Istanbul was established. The second phenomenon covered is the phenomenon of women, their position and role in society and especially their attitude towards books. The Women's Library, with its increasingly rich collection, is a kind of witness to the history and position of Turkish women and their creative spirit, a companion of their ups and downs, struggles and hopes, contradictions in which they are still torn between still deeply rooted traditional patriarchal values and the freedom they have won. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Higher Education & Science / Yüksekögretim ve Bilim Dergisi is the property of Zonguldak Bulent Ecevit Universitesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the transformation of the political position of the Ottoman Armenian community by focusing on the community's reactions vis-à-vis a major turning point in modern Turkish history: the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey. The article demonstrates how and why the Ottoman Armenian community reacted as it did when the status of the state as a Republic was proclaimed by the Grand National Assembly in October 1923. The major argument the article puts forward is that following the results of the Turkish-Armenian War in the Caucasus, the Greco-Turkish War in Western Anatolia, and the retreat of the French from the Cilicia region, the majority of the Ottoman Armenian community which remained within the borders of 'New Turkey' shifted its political position to accommodate the policies of the ruling power in order to protect their physical and cultural existence during this period of political turmoil. Benefiting from primary sources, including Ottoman Armenian and Ottoman Turkish newspapers, archival documents, and parliamentary minutes, this article focuses on the position of Ottoman Armenians following the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey, and thus contributes to the historiography on the Armistice period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Being one of the most influential areas having great influence on the development of historiography, especially in the last two centuries, national history writing has been the most effective means of creating political and cultural identity beyond recording of the vital events of the political, social and cultural life of the nations. During the last century national historiography in Azerbaijan has experienced ideologically, politically and culturally three different stages of its history: Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (1918-1920), Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic (1920-1991) and Azerbaijan Republic (1991-). 71 years of Soviet and 28 years of the post-soviet period are the periodic limits of this research. Similarly, to other nations, history of Azerbaijani Turks has been developed through the military, political, economic, social and cultural interaction with other nations. In this context, in terms of national historiography of Azerbaijan, Turkey was one of historically important figures that cannot be compared with other states. Taking into account its earlier and later stages as Seljuks and the Republic of Turkey, the Ottoman Empire took part within the history of Azerbaijan. The main purpose of this investigation is to determine the perception of the Ottomans in Azerbaijani historiography and to analyze the continuity and changes between these two periods of the national historiography. The relevant data from the history textbooks which were, and still are standard and compulsory by the Ministry of Education in schools of Azerbaijan in both the soviet and post-soviet periods will be evaluated qualitatively by applying content analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Turkey, during the Immediate Postwar Period (between 1945-1951), functioned the international specialization organizations, such as the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees (IGCR) and the International Refugee Organization (IRO). Turkey was a country of minor importance in terms of the number of refugees in this period. According to data from IGCR, in 1946, there were 1221 registered refugees in Turkey. Among them were representatives of different nationalities, such as Poles, Yugoslavs, Albanians, Hungarians, Czechoslovaks, Austrians, Germans and Jews of various ethnicities. Later joined by Bulgarians and other anti-communist activists. The international specialization organizations faced various problems, from lack of money to the lack of cooperation from the Turkish government. IRO activists often complained about the sluggishness of Turkish officials. The problematic is important as an exemplification of the question of the protection of refugees by the International Community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with an introduction on the changing roles of CSDs along the CSD busi ness value chain. Then it gives a short history of the CSD of Turkey's (MKK's) transformation from a core depository services provider into a Research and Development Center by providing information on the various value-added services that were developed by the CSD. In the last section, the paper presents future trends in the CSD business that utilize emerging technol ogies, concluding that CSDs need to diversify their services considering the rapid pace of evolu tion in the business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the drastic changes in the Eastern Bloc after 1989, global and regional actors including Turkey have become interested in former Soviet countries. Turkey has shown particular interest in the Turkish Republics since they gained their independence. This paper assesses Turkey's foreign policies towards the Turkish Republics over the last 25 years in two periods: 1991-2002 and post-2002. The main finding is that Turkey's foreign policy toward Turkish Republics was initiated with great enthusiasm but continued with a more logical and reasonable approach after having understood the realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how education became the site of hegemonic struggles in Turkey. Topics covered include background on the secularization of schooling and attempts at establishing a centralized system of universal education, the struggle over resources in national education and control, and impact of the failed military coup in the country on July 15, 2016.

This paper examines heritage representations within the 2013 “Gezi” protests in Turkey, focusing on the contest over the historical, social, and political significance of Gezi Park in Taksim, Istanbul. Gezi Park is a multi-layered urban space, once associated with the Armenian community, then with the Ottoman military and finally, from the 1930s, with the modernist urbanism of the secular Republic. Prior to the protests, the conservative Islamist administration planned to erase and refashion Gezi Park as a site of neo-Ottoman nostalgia. While the protests were associated with ecological and civil society concerns, the contest between protestors and state actors was also characterized by competing mobilizations of histories and notions of legitimate heritage over a range of representational sites and forms, from political speeches to protestors’ performances. Combining an analysis of these representations with interview data we explore Taksim-Gezi as a site of “ground memories” that are selectively articulated and strategically renewed by different groups. The state attempt to erase and remake place in a specific historical image was countered by people's diverse mnemonic and socio-ideological relations to place histories, that became repertories for reaction. We argue that civil crises like protests may help us to understand and problematize the spatio-temporal, multi-relational articulations of heritage, and, vice versa, a view through heritage and memory opens critical exposures of socio-political conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the validity of the assumptions of the new institutional theory about the state over the history of national football league as an institutional field in Turkey. The state is not out of the field, on the contrary, at the centre of the field, and is not an ordinary actor but the most important one although the intensity of the state’s impact changes from time to time. Sometimes, the state founds the football clubs and administrates them directly, decides who will be the champion; and sometimes, authorizes the regulative agency and gives autonomy. However, despite the state’s coercive power on the ground, the Turkish football field is still far from being fully institutionalized with its fluctuating structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to assess the evolution of the Board of Higher Education of Turkey in relation to these power struggles and domestic political contestations. The evolution of the Board will be examined in five distinct periods: Post-1980 Authoritarian Period (1981-1988), the Period of Fluctuation (1989-1996), the post-February 28th Repressive Period (1997-2002), the Period of Conflict (2003-2007), and the Period of Regularization (2008-present). In the article, the authors argue that any increase in pressure the Board exercised over universities often coincided with an implicit presidential endorsement of the Board as well as weak coalition governments. Universities often adopted to increasingly repressive policies immediately and failed to defend academic freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hatay Graben is one of three easternmost basins in the Mediterranean that preserve sediments that span the Miocene–Pliocene boundary, including gypsums from the Messinian Salinity Crisis (MSC). Here we integrate existing data and present new sedimentological and micropalaeontological data to investigate the palaeoenvironments of late Miocene to early Pliocene deposits and place this important area into a regional stratigraphic framework. Six sections are described along a ~ W–E transect illustrating the key features of this time period. Late Miocene (Pre-MSC) sediments are characterised by open marine marls with a benthic foraminiferal fauna suggestive of water depths of 100–200 m or less. Primary lower gypsum deposits are determined to be absent from the graben as sedimentological and strontium isotopes are characteristic of the Resedimented Lower Gypsums. The intervening Messinian erosion surface is preserved near the basin margins as an unconformity but appears to be a correlative conformity in the basin depocentre. No Upper Gypsums or ‘Lago Mare’ facies have been identified but available data do tentatively suggest a return to marine conditions in the basin prior to the Zanclean boundary. Sediments stratigraphically overlying the Messinian gypsums and marls are coarse-grained sandstones from coastal and Gilbert-type delta depositional environments. The Hatay Graben is not only strikingly similar to Messinian basins on nearby Cyprus but also to the overall model for the MSC, demonstrating the remarkable consistency of palaeoenvironments found in marginal basins across the region at this time. This research also raises questions as to the timing of the Mediterranean reflooding and the significance of the widespread mega-breccias of the resedimented gypsum deposits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the hegemony of political power on the discipline of human geography in Turkey. Throughout the history of the country, human geography curricula have been aligned with the nationalist and hegemonic power politics of state authorities instead of being guided by universal norms, thus ignoring Turkey’s sociopolitical and cultural geography. This is reflected in the contents of human geography text books at the high school and college level. Similarly, the subjects of articles that have appeared in the 12 academic geography journals published in Turkey within the last 71 years also support this claim. The intervention of political power in the academic identity of human geography and the efforts to align human geography curricula with a certain ideological view have resulted in the emergence of apolitical geographers, who remain deaf and blind to social issues. This study analyzes the negative features of human geography education curricula and their political implications in Turkey, and proposes several recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article presents two seventh/thirteenth-century Islamic funerary complexes located in Anatolia (roughly today's Turkey) in the context of multi-functional ensembles with a mausoleum enclosed within the larger structure. Such monuments, although quite numerous, are poorly understood in terms of their relationship to Islamic funerary practice. The case studies at the centre of this article, the Ṣāḥib ʿAṭā Complex in Konya, built between 656/1258 and 684/1285, and the Māhperī Khātūn Complex in Kayseri, begun in 635/1237-38, are two funerary complexes that allow for an analysis of patronage, gender, the placement of the body (or bodies) of the deceased and spatial conception in these monuments. The article discusses the structural features of the two case studies, their patrons and inscription programmes in order to analyse how these architectural ensembles were used to frame, encase and protect the burials. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire (1299–1923) as a huge multi-ethnic and multi-religious conglomerate spread across three continents, its successor, the modern Republic of Turkey, was confined in its current borders to mainly Asia Minor. Through the lens of physical culture, this article looks at the impact of the all-encompassing project of nation building as enacted by Ataturk. It traces the efforts for modernity and reform that already started in the nineteenth century but were later turned into a means to purge the newborn nation of Ottoman ‘backwardness'. Catching up with the West, including the introduction of new athletic disciplines, became imperative. In view of some selected physical activities, the article discusses how the ‘Sick Man of Europe', as the empire was called because its Balkan possessions were dwindling, was designed to turn into a proud and powerful, yet disciplined Turkish entity. Nevertheless, traditional sports in particular have somewhat retained and appropriated religion within a now officially secular society, providing an important cultural reservoir that could bridge some of the country's existing frictions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)