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Over the last decades, scholars have increasingly called for the 'deterritorialization' of the notion of citizenship. The realities concerning citizenship have changed with new expressions of transnationalism. However, whereas the main body of research has focused on the transnational aspects of citizenship among migrants in the form of their transnational political practices and dual nationalities, their descendants have received far less attention. This paper examines the political practices of Kurdish migrants' descendants in France and Germany and their narratives of identity and citizenship. We employ migrant descendants' political activism as an empirical entry point to gain insight into the meanings they attach to citizenship. The paper draws from two qualitative datasets collected in France (2015–2017) and Germany (2015–2023) with individuals of Kurdish background, who were born to migrant families arriving from Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s. The findings show that national contexts – both in grandparents'/parents' country of departure and the country of arrival – and the transnational, diasporic and even supranational space (EU) shape migrant descendants' political activism, identity construction and consequently resonate in the meanings they attach to citizenship. This study highlights the need to approach migrants' descendants as transnational citizens in their own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is among the Asian countries which permits dual citizenship. However, the dual citizenship privileges availed by overseas-based Pakistanis spark intense debate making Pakistani dual citizens and their entitlements a contested subject in the country. A qualitative study was conducted in the city of Rawalpindi asking what the attitudes of Pakistani citizens on dual citizenship are, as well as their positions on the rights of dual citizens with regard to education, employment and property ownership in Pakistan. In-depth interviews were conducted with two groups of interviewees: 25 Pakistani citizens and 18 Pakistani dual citizens. The findings suggest that Pakistani citizens resist the unconditional provision of socio-economic rights to Pakistani dual citizens considering their "split loyalties." Most of the respondents argued against their employment in sensitive institutions such as the armed forces and judiciary, however, their right to education and property acquisition was supported in circumstances when it benefits Pakistan's development. The perspectives of dual citizens also reflect ambivalence over how to resolve the allegiance conundrum and as a result, display divergent views on their privileges and rights in their home country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's profound demographic and socioeconomic transitions over the last four decades have led to significant changes in its diaspora: increased numbers, different destinations, and diversified reasons for emigration. The national diaspora policy has undergone many shifts since China's momentous economic reforms and opening to the world in 1978; but policy now converges on a multifaceted and intrinsically transnational system of engagement in the service of soft power. Studies have so far stressed domestic interests, drawing insights primarily from policy documents; but this article seeks to broaden the perspective, using a transnationally oriented framework to assist investigation of factors that range beyond the domestic. Using in-depth interviews with a variety of key informants and stakeholders, we systematically analyze features in four core policy dimensions that incorporate both international and domestic dynamics: diaspora institutions, dual citizenship, talent recruitment, and soft power. Finally, we explore implications for development (economic, sociocultural, educational) in both China and host countries. We draw the conclusion that China's diaspora policy is shaped by a constellation of transnational factors—such as changing global and regional power structures, and competition in talent-recruiting and talent-retaining in the new technological era. China now deploys multi-scale linkages across several dimensions, expanding from economic to sociocultural and political spheres, to engage its diaspora effectively. Finally, these policy developments not only shape China's internal development but also influence global sentiment, bringing new dynamics to bear global power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than vilifying or rejecting it, an increasing number of scholars from two seemingly anti-nationalist cohorts, namely liberal political theory and multiculturalism, have come to argue that nationalism is not intrinsically illiberal or undesirable, but some forms of it (e.g. liberal, multicultural, pluralistic) can be a positive force to meet the demands for nation-building, national identity and national culture, on the one hand, and demands for recognition, respect and accommodation of diversity, on the other. This paper critically examines recent scholarly literature on liberal nationalism and multicultural nationalism. It argues that both projects have developed necessary responses to (1) growing diversity and (2) ethnonational and populist-majoritarian forms of nationalism and hence, are welcome. However, two substantial shortcomings need to be addressed. The first is the nation-building–education nexus and the limits of multicultural education (e.g. the teaching of history), and the second is the nationalism–transnationalism nexus or the normative desirability of dual nationalities. The paper concludes that a morally acceptable form of nationalism (e.g. pluralistic, inclusive or moderate) operating within multi-national and multicultural liberal democracies is theoretically possible, yet its viability is related to the extent to which it addresses the two issues raised, amongst others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although the Person of Indian Origin (PIO) and Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) schemes have existed for some time, they began to serve a political and economic purpose for the Republic of India with the arrival of the twenty-first century. The OCI status asserts "Indianness" as a legible quality in diasporic memory. It does the work of cementing political Indo-Pakistani and Indo-Bangladeshi borders, while coopting the language of transnationalism to bolster the fundamentally nationalist regime of capitalism at work in the Republic of India. The goal of this regime is to promote a functionally nationalist, and thus, anti-transnational reality. As more generations of South Asians live and grow up abroad, creating a legible "Indianness" functions as a service to the capitalist Indian economy. These individuals abroad are encouraged to identify as diasporic "Indians" who must engage with their "motherland." Thus, the transnationalist discourse of decreasing territoriality is exploited by the Indian state to serve goals that function in ideological opposition to transnationalism. As this discourse of legible "Indianness" becomes more successful, there will be increasing incentives for the ruling party in India to further privilege OCIs. In the end, the language and capital of the OCIs affirms the powers of capitalism contemporary Indian nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the case of Denmark to critically discuss key assumptions in the theoretical literature on dual citizenship. When Denmark surprisingly accepted dual citizenship in 2015, the decision reflected two distinct lines of argument: first, accepting dual citizenship would allow Danes living abroad to keep their Danish citizenship; second, because it is considered illegitimate to make people stateless, allowing dual citizenship would simultaneously allow for citizenship revocation of dual citizens who engage in or support acts of terror. This rationale stands in striking contrast to how dual citizenship has been previously theorised. The gradual acceptance of dual citizenship in Western countries since the early 1990s has been seen either as a symptom of a post-national era or as a pragmatic adjustment to the transnational realities of international migration. By contrast, the case of Denmark shows that dual citizenship may serve as a lever to protect the political community of the nation-state from terrorism and, as such, function as a tool of securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on dual citizenship has traditionally focused on immigrants in Western Europe and North America. This emphasis has led authors to overlook the context of global inequality and the way it shapes the meaning and uses of a second citizenship. This paper offers a new approach that puts the analytical focus on global inequality in the value of citizenship. First, I construct a composite index of citizenship value and use it to outline the structure of the global citizenship hierarchy. Then, I analyse an original dataset to evaluate the prevalence of dual citizenship in 13 countries. The analysis demonstrates that individuals' reactions to the possibility of obtaining a second citizenship are shaped by their position in the global citizenship hierarchy. Citizens of Western countries have no practical incentive to obtain a second citizenship and exhibit low demand for it. In Latin American and Eastern European countries, in contrast, demand for a second citizenship is high. Millions draw on their ancestry or ethnic identity to claim citizenship from Western or EU countries. The second, higher-tier nationality is not necessarily used to emigrate. Instead, it often operates as 'compensatory citizenship' that makes up for limitations in dual citizens' primary resident citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this article, I examine voting patterns in origin and receiving country national elections among immigrants in Europe. The existing scholarship on transnational political engagement offers two competing interpretations of the relationship between immigrant integration and transnational engagement, which I classify as the resocialization and complementarity perspectives. The resocialization perspective assumes that transnational political engagement gradually declines as immigrants become socialized into the new receiving society. Conversely, the complementarity perspective assumes that immigrant integration increases transnational political engagement. I test these competing perspectives with survey data collected between 2004 and 2008 for 12 different immigrant groups residing in seven European cities. The analysis examines how immigrant political and civic participation in receiving countries affect their proclivities to vote in homeland elections. I also analyse the effects of receiving and origin country contexts on immigrant voting behaviour in homeland elections. While my findings support both the resocialization and complementarity perspectives, they also highlight the ways in which a set of origin‐country contexts shape immigrant propensities to engage in transnational electoral politics. I observe a degree of complementarity among immigrants with resources who are motivated and eligible to participate in both receiving and origin‐country elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two of the busiest migration corridors of the twentieth century, namely Mexico-US and Turkey-Germany, migrants can today be dual citizens. However, the acceptance of dual citizenship did not occur automatically; instead, it followed a period of legal statuses short of full citizenship. This paper conceptualises such statuses as quasi-citizenship, a transitional equilibrium between the absence of plural citizenship and the existence of transnational migration. Focusing on sending states, the emergence of emigrant quasi-citizenship is thus explained, first, in terms of whether the reciprocal regimes of emigration and immigration states diverge on the acceptance of plural citizenship. Second, the stance towards plural citizenship is explained in terms of the experience with emigration. It is then shown that, in the case of Mexico, the legacy of undesired emigration weakened the incentives to adapt the territorial conception of citizenship to expatriates, hence creating quasi-citizens, and in the case of Turkey, the higher political relevance of expatriates, who could have the host country citizenship, reinforced the external dimension of the ethno-cultural conception of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a theoretical argument for aligning principles of citizenship with realities of migrant transnationalism and dual citizenship. Migrant transnationalism and dual citizenship challenge zero-sum understandings of belonging and residence as rooted in one place only. Through the lens of residence, the authors connect insights from migrant transnationalism literature with citizenship studies’ focus on principles of citizenship. Principles of citizenship based on descent and birthplace build on particular genealogies of belonging that define membership, and are the basis on which citizenship is granted. Neither of the two principles provides adequate answers to how naturalisation, in terms of belonging to the political community, can be justified as anything other than exceptions.Jus domicilioffers a complementary alternative, wherein belonging is connected to residence, thus moving naturalisation out of the realm of exceptions. A configuration of principles of citizenship that is aligned with realities of migrant transnationalism and dual citizenship must build on complementary genealogies of belonging, including descent, birthplace and residence. Doing so requires acknowledging differing temporalities of belonging. A legal framework that strengthens the potential for realising equal citizenship in diverse societies necessitates a rejection of the hierarchies reflected in genealogies of belonging that underlie citizenship principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors comment on Alice Bloch's commentary on their paper which looked at how the political repertoires of sending states were changing in response to migration. Topics covered include the changing form and function of the nation-state, the rise in multiple memberships, be they dual citizenship or some form of partial membership without residence, and the deployment of diasporic policies to consolidate emigrants' attachments and contributions to their homelands.

This paper is devoted to the fulfillment of the concept of transnational citizenship achieved by New Zealand toward the Pacific Island countries, mainly through their constitutional relations, and the paper analyzes the fundamental question of what aspects comprise the core of the transnational aspect of this community. The aim here is to put forward the key aspects and steps in the building and development of a functioning model of transnational communities, with emphasis on the legal instrument of regional identity building, namely, the introduction and development of dual citizenship as the adaptation of the historical heritage of the colonial past (British citizenship) to the conditions of a globalized world while taking all the problems that the region faces now into account. We see transnational communities to be an important expression of contemporary globalization, as they have also been historically, as proved by New Zealand and the Pacific Island countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acceptance of dual citizenship allows migrants to naturalise in the country of residence (CoR) without giving up their former citizenship. For migrant sending countries the question emerges whether emigrants who acquire another citizenship are less attached to and politically active in the country of origin than those who do not. This would be the assumption of traditional perspectives on migration and citizenship. However, according to the transnational perspective neither multiple nationalities, nor participation in and identification with the CoR, preclude ongoing ties and participation back home. We test these perspectives with survey data on Swiss citizens residing in France, Germany, Italy and the US. Our results suggest that Swiss dual citizens abroad are not significantly less attached to and active in Switzerland than their mono national counterparts. Our data further supports the transnational perspective by showing not only simultaneity, but a mutually reinforcing relationship when transnational citizenship is practised. Identification with, and political participation in, the CoR positively relates to equivalent feelings and activities in the country of origin. Since dual citizenship sets the legal foundation for simultaneous involvement in two countries, it correctly assumes a central place in the study of transnational citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between global inequality and dual citizenship by analysing citizenship acquisition from abroad in the European Union (EU). Most EU countries now offer facilitated naturalisation to descendants of emigrants and co-ethnics abroad, which requires neither residence nor renunciation of former citizenship. Since the 1990s, over 3.5 million people have used this opening to obtain dual citizenship from a European country to which they often have little if any connection. I analyse this phenomenon using a data-set that I constructed from previously unanalysed administrative statistics. The data were used to test an original theory that explains patterns of demand for dual citizenship in the context of a global hierarchy of citizenship worth. The analysis demonstrated that demand was much higher in Latin America and Eastern Europe than in North America and Western Europe. Non-Western applicants were drawn to the practical benefits of EU citizenship, and their level of demand varied in response to economic conditions like unemployment. In contrast, Western applicants displayed lower demand for citizenship and were unresponsive to economic incentives. The paper contributes to the literature by demonstrating the relationship between citizenship and global stratification as well as highlighting a widespread instrumental approach to dual citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Resistance to dual citizenship in Germany and China can be compared in a meaningful way. In both states, single citizenship regime is historically constructed during the Cold War era. Although the international norm is changing towards a more tolerant acceptance of dual citizenship, the change contradicts the German and Chinese citizenship tradition. The persistence of traditional citizenship, has disabled the migrant's claims-making especially for the German immigrants and Chinese emigrants. This article examines two case studies where emigrant dual citizenship and immigrant dual citizenship are considered undesirable by the states. It suggests that the legalisation of dual citizenship does not yield benefits to the national identity and interests of both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a flexible identity and citizenship framework to explore how return migrants, haigui, have readapted and re-established themselves back into Shanghai society, and how they have used their talents, knowledge and guanxi networks to optimise their chances of success. It argues that these return migrants, as talent circulators in their circulatory migration process, have adopted a flexible identity and citizenship, to confront their conflicting emotions and negotiated sacrifices for the well-being of their individual self and family as they expand their socio-economic and territorial space. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Transnationalism has become a much larger issue as international travel has increased, and countries are incentivized to ease border controls in order to boost their economies. At times, this comes at a cost. Birth tourism and medical tourism are becoming trends in the United States and Taiwan and are producing differing consequences that policymakers will have to address. Many policymakers in the United States hoped that lifting travel restrictions would spur tourism. While perhaps true, as a result of this policy change, more foreign citizens are now able to perform a cost-benefit analysis of other nations' laws in the hopes of relocating for benefits. With the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution providing citizenship to those born in the United States, thousands of pregnant women legally travel to the United States every year to give birth. This birth tourism ensures those children access to public education and healthcare in the United States. Additionally, U.S. citizens with dual citizenship in countries with affordable national health care, like Taiwan, travel overseas for medical treatment with minimal costs for reentry into those foreign health care systems. Such medical tourism increases medical and educational costs for taxpayers in the countries that provide generous government sponsored health care. As globalization becomes more prominent, the amount of individuals looking across borders for healthcare and educational opportunities will continue to grow. When individuals cross borders for these opportunities, economic or social strain can result. This Note highlights this tension and discusses how policymakers on the ground are responding to an escalating situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides empirical evidence of the 'embedded connectedness' of highly skilled migrants with their home country through the Philippine case in New Zealand and Australia. This challenges the findings in other studies that show the weak connection between them and the home country which is generally explored more in terms of economic remittances. While the majority of the participants in the study are already citizens of the host country, they remain emotionally tied and culturally connected to the Philippines as evidenced by their information-seeking behaviour, feeling of nostalgia, sending of remittances, taking of dual citizenship, attendance in Philippine-related events and the country they perceived as home. One interesting finding in the study is that most of them have taken citizenship for pragmatic reasons, that is, for the benefits and security that it could bring them. It concludes by emphasising the relevance of capitalising on these strong diasporic ties to entice the skilled diaspora to return to their home country and/or be involved in development activities back home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an age of transnational flows and interdependencies, democratic citizenship can no longer be conceptualized exclusively within national boundaries. This paper presents a conceptual map that allows tracing emerging and proposed forms of citizenship within and beyond the nation state in a comprehensive and differentiated way. We disentangle two anchor points: membership in a political community as the fundament of citizenship and the arena of political decision-making as the focal point of citizenship rights, identities and practices. For the former we differentiate between a single national community, the universal community of humankind and multiple (national) communities. For the latter we distinguish the national, supra-national and transnational arena. Our typology thus consists of nine different forms of democratic citizenship. It is used to provide a brief overview over normative proposals and empirical findings leading to the following insights: while membership in a particular national community still dominates the reality in all three political arenas, in the normative discourse it is perceived as deficient. Membership in the universal community of humankind is widely endorsed in the normative discourse, but almost nonexistent. In contrast, membership in multiple communities is not only a growing reality but also normatively promising for democratizing a transnationalizing world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to examine the issue of competing loyalties for diaspora Jews, using Canadian Jews as a case study. The Jewish case has become marginal in the study of diasporas and transnational ties. This is particularly the case where we find real or perceived political conflict, which Jews have encountered historically as the charge of dual loyalty. The history of anti-Semitism, notably after the Enlightenment, and debates about Zionism were precursors of this current dilemma for Jews, and indeed other diasporic minorities. Interviews with Canadian Jewish leaders, and a review of the case of a prominent Canadian Jewish politician, illustrate that the tensions of status insecurity continue to be found even in a highly successful and integrated Jewish community such as that in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past few decades, states across several disparate geographical contexts have adopted policies and initiatives aimed at institutionalizing their relationship with groups constituted as “their” diasporas. These practices, which range from creating new ministries for diaspora affairs and reserving seats in the national legislature to granting dual citizenship and allowing members of the diaspora to participate in domestic elections, seem to have a very specific purpose. They are aimed at integrating diasporas as part of a larger “global” nation that is connected to, and has claims on the institutional structure of the home state. This article argues that the best way to understand this phenomenon, conceptualized here as the “domestic abroad”, is to see it as the product of two simultaneous, ongoing processes: the diasporic imagining of the nation, and the neoliberal restructuring of the state. Furthermore, to make sense of the nature and relationship of these processes, we need to focus on the development of capitalist social relations on both global and national scales. This, it is contended, can be best done through the development of a theoretical framework based on the historical materialist concept of hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objective Central to current debates over immigration is the impact of transnational ties on immigrant political incorporation in the United States. Some researchers believe these ties hinder incorporation, while others have found a positive relationship between these variables, and yet other scholars have found that transnational connections exert no significant impact on immigrant behavior in the United States. We test these competing hypotheses in an attempt to resolve this scholarly debate. Methods We rely on data from the 2006 Latino National Survey and use logistic regression to test the impact of transnational ties on immigrant political incorporation (via naturalization). Results Transnational ties positively impact immigrants' orientations toward citizenship and eventual naturalization. Conclusions Immigrant political incorporation is not a unidirectional process where immigrant engagement in the United States increases with disengagement in the ancestral homeland. Rather, Latino immigrants with ties to their ancestral homelands are more likely to desire and seek out U.S. citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on two migrant groups in the Netherlands, one in which the majority is naturalised (Surinamese) and one in which the majority has dual nationality (Turks and Kurdish-Turks). It explores the impact of home and host states’ citizenship regimes on: (1) the citizenship choices of individual migrants; (2) their (trans)national political participation; and (3) the transnational political participation of homeland-based non-state actors such as (return) migrant organisations and political parties. I conclude that transnational political orientations are often responses to exclusionary citizenship regimes in sending countries, which deserve greater attention in studies of migrant transnationalism than they have hitherto received. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article builds upon the literature on immigrants and the vote by focusing on three legal and democratic principles: state versus national citizenship, dual domestic residency, and globalization/dual citizenship. It first delineates the discretion and powers that states can utilize to establish suffrage rights. The article next develops parallels between dual domestic residents and noncitizens in terms of standing, access, and electoral participation. It then examines dual citizenship, especially with Latin American nations, and discusses multiple identities and connections in both countries. Literature on globalism/transnationalism is integrated into that discussion. The article concludes by adding political considerations to the context of the United States and alien suffrage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the political institutional patterns between Italy and Latin America through a study of South American dual nationals who retain full political rights in Italy. It adopts a socio-historical approach to study the genesis, evolution and consequences of Italy's external citizenship policies, assessing their impact on the transnational political activities of 'Latin American Italians'. It identifies the outputs and outcomes from the transnational political practices of 'Latin American Italians', both in Italy and the countries of residence, if and how these have created overlapping polities, affected the conception of membership, and challenged the definition of 'home' and 'host' country. The findings are based on over one year of field research, including interviews with key actors in Argentina, Uruguay, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom; in-depth interviews with seventy-four Latin Americans who had recently obtained their Italian citizenship by descent; and a statistical analysis. The article concludes that the current rise of transnational institutions linking sending and receiving countries does not totally break with the past. The strategic use of European nationality laws influences political participation of Latin American Italians in a limited way, and when a transnational political engagement does occur, it produces a disjunction between politics and territory more in terms of a re-territorialization than of a de-territorialization of political practices. Thus, this article supports the hypothesis of strengths and weaknesses of the transnational approach to analyse migrant's political activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the transnational political practices of the Chilean migrants residing in Switzerland. It is mainly interested in their political mobilization. It focuses on two particular questions: what are the main modes of transnational political mobilization of Chileans living in the Swiss Confederation? What are the conditions that promote the mobilization of these migrants and lead them to bring forth political demands? With respect to the first question, data shows that Chileans' political mobilization combines mostly classical homeland politics (issues related to human rights), initiated during the period of exile, with emigrant politics concerning the transnational status and rights of migrants themselves. With respect to the second question, factors which explain the political mobilization of migrants are related to access to political opportunities for Chileans in Switzerland (dual citizenship, political networks, and presence of international organizations) and limitation of rights in the home country. This goes hand in hand with a strong political identity, important collective resources and the capacity to use them politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A transnational studies perspective should be able to deal with both new social formations sui generis, such as transnational social spaces, and how 'old' national, international and local institutions acquire 'new' meanings and functions in the process of cross-border transactions. There is now a voluminous literature dealing with the emergence and above all the forms of transnational activities of migrants and the attendant consequences for the social integration of immigrants. If transnational ties and formations are consequential for social change and perhaps even social transformation, we also need to find indications about changing institutions in the national, international and local realms of transnational spaces. From this perspective we need not only to look at various transnational ties and formations across the borders of national states, but also at the repercussions for national and local institutions. In order to address this problem, the paper argues that both the concept of transnationalisation-including transnational social spaces-and world approaches, such as world systems and world polity theories, could be useful lenses to describe different aspects of transnational processes and boundaries. Second, transnational studies needs to engage both world theories and a transnational optic to ask about the social mechanisms by which transnational processes affect institutional change: path-dependency on a systemic or macro level, social closure, opportunity hoarding and brokerage on a collective or meso level, and symbolic recognition on a cognitive or micro level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role geography plays in the issue of migrant voting rights. The article focuses on the voting rights and requirements of those with dual (or plural) nationality, and discusses voting privileges for non-residents in certain Eurasian countries including Germany, Turkey, and Switzerland. The author mentions his opinions regarding voting and states that people should vote, assuming they are eligible, on matters that affect them, whether they are residing in that particular country or not.

In this article we focus on the dual identities of relatively young Trinidadians who have decided to return to the island of their birth, or of their parents, while still in their thirties and forties. Highly-educated professional transnational migrants mostly make up our sample of 36; 26 possess dual citizenship. We focus on our informants’ narratives about their transnational experiences, self-appraisals of their dual identities and how they value dual citizenship. More generally, we ask, does transnationalism supplant nationalism among our returning informants? Unsurprisingly, the diverse responses we document do not support the commonly held explanatory relationship between return adaptations, ‘national belonging’ and the expected dominance of ‘transnational belonging’. Family relations intervene significantly, both to encourage transnationalism and to strengthen nationalism. Feelings of national belonging often accompany transnationalism. Notably, we view dual citizenship strategically and pragmatically as advantageous to the continuation of transnational practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship encompasses legal status, rights, participation, and belonging. Traditionally anchored in a particular geographic and political community, citizenship evokes notions of national identity, sovereignty, and state control, but these relationships are challenged by the scope and diversity of international migration. This review considers normative and empirical debates over citizenship and bridges an informal divide between European and North American literatures. We focus on citizenship within nation-states by discussing ethnic versus civic citizenship, multiculturalism, and assimilation. Going beyond nation-state boundaries, we also look at transnational, postnational, and dual citizenships. Throughout, we identify methodological and theoretical challenges in this field, noting the need for a more dynamic and comprehensive understanding of the inter-relationships between the dimensions of citizenship and immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Although the concept of diaspora is sometimes regarded as oppositional to the interests of existing political regimes, we argue that it can become a site where the negotiation of new terms of membership embraces the transnational and de-territorialized networks of overseas populations. Drawing on work on transnational governance, we explore the uneven geographies that accompany India''s recent discussions of its dual citizenship provisions. Constructions of diaspora membership are revealed by mapping the discourses contained within the Dual Citizenship legislation of 2003, the 2003 Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (Overseas India Day) campaign, and the 2001 report of the Diaspora Committee onto the case of South Africa. The results suggest that the construction of diaspora membership focuses on professional success, ecumenical Hinduism, and multicultural incorporation. We also trace how diaspora membership betrays a continuing anxiety over the terms of Indianness. The results remind us that diasporic times and spaces mediate transnational governance. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Definitions of transnationalism are modelled after first generation migrant communities in the west. Through presenting ethnographic detail on the Lebanese community in Senegal, this article applies the concept of transnationalism to the case of a historic South-South migrant community. Second and later generation ethnic groups maintain transnational ties through notions of self-identity and definitions by others, the importance given to the homeland, and political and religious ideologies. Race, geographic location, and changes in the structure of labour markets are factors that encourage continued ties with the country of origin. Furthermore, transnationalism cannot be limited only to sending and receiving countries. Colonial and former colonial powers can determine the destination of migrants, establish economic hierarchies, and offer a tertiary citizenship to transnational migrants in addition to the dual citizenship of country of origin and destination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a theoretical framework derived from migration studies to examine different understandings of migration and national belonging in the debate preceding Sweden's full legal acceptance of dual citizenship in 2001. The empirical question concerns the place of nationally versus transnationally oriented conceptions of migration in the debate, and the analysis of a wide range of public documents demonstrates that both kinds of conceptions were present. Opponents of dual citizenship generally gave expression to a national understanding and considered migration a temporary deviation from a normality of undivided national belonging. Some proponents of dual citizenship, on the contrary, held a more transnational view of migration, and regarded mobility and the maintenance of dual or multiple national bonds as normal. However, there were also many proponents who, from a national perspective, treated migration as more or less problematic, but still advocated dual citizenship as a tool for reducing some of the individual and social problems that it brought about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Herbert J. Gans writes, ethnicity among fourth-, fifth- and later-generation descendants of European immigrants (LGEs) may be disappearing, and studies of LGEs should be undertaken along the lines that he proposes. LGE nostalgia for pasts that may never have existed and LGE intermarriage rates with non-whites as well as the ideology of multiculturalism, the easy availability of travel and communication, and the proliferation of dual citizenship might provide further contexts for such studies. In some cases, might the darkness of ethnicity precede a new dawn of transnational cultural and culinary practices, adopted from real or putative countries of origin? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]