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The relation between trade unions' power resources and their ability to revitalize is contentious. One strand of literature claims that weak power resources prevent unions from undertaking efforts to restore their strength and influence, while another research strand argues that the depletion of power resources may stimulate unions to take such actions. This Special Issue tests these conflicting expectations with evidence from eight Central-Eastern European (CEE) countries. It focuses on the drivers and outcomes of different types of revitalization strategies that CEE unions employ to respond to challenges. By examining the link between union power resources and their revitalization strategies, it expands the scholarly knowledge on the preconditions and limits of union revitalization in adverse contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study comparatively examines the relationship between revitalization strategies and trade union power resources in Central Eastern Europe. It shows that the post-2008 weakening of union power resources in the region served as a catalyst for a wide range of revitalization strategies, many of which included elements not documented in the revitalization literature. In most cases, union revitalization strategies involved the mobilization of organizational and societal resources and were geared towards (re)building statutory rights for unions and (re)establishing legal guarantees for workers. This 'institutional longing', however, left many organizations oblivious to membership decline, which may threaten their long-term survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it possible for trade unions to fight precarity in an adverse global context? Although existing research suggests this is possible, there is limited understanding of the interplay of resources that enable unions to address precarity in deregulated markets. This study employs a power resource approach to investigate how unions overcome their external constraints. It draws upon 130 in-depth interviews with key informants across nine Central and Eastern European countries to investigate successful and unsuccessful union actions in sectors with differing external resources. In each sector, unions that mobilise their internal resources have been able to reduce various precarity dimensions, such as low wages, lack of voice, and irregular working time. The results reveal that unions whose objectives are based on convincing win–win discourses can make strides, acting as drivers of change in precarity patterns even in unfavourable conditions. Moreover, the study introduces a multi-dimensional conceptualisation of union success, identifying union actions that result in measurable improvements in precarity dimensions for all worker types. To deepen understanding of the role unions play in fighting precarity in adverse contexts, future research could investigate union actions that improve a wider range of precarity dimensions for all workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Romanian labour law was changed radically in 2011, causing a rapid demolition of the multi-layered collective bargaining system, despite the existence of relatively strong unions. This article examines the foundation of new employers' prerogatives, and whether they have been willing and able to use them in manufacturing sectors and companies where unions have a strong hold. It focuses on extreme cases of change and continuity in setting the terms and conditions of employment after 2008. Employers have been able to use the new legal provisions to worsen employment conditions, but there is variation across companies depending on employers' attitudes, developments in collective bargaining in other large companies in the area and unions' capacity to mobilize. This analysis facilitates a better understanding of the consequences of downgrading individual and collective employment rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the debate concerning the compatibility of variable pay schemes (VPS) and trade unions, by investigating the effects of the managerial function (to increase management control over employees) and market function (to attract and retain suitably qualified employees) of VPS for trade unions. Design/methodology/approach – A critical case study approach was used to verify how the two varying functions of VPS affect the trade union of a large multi-establishment Irish financial institution. Data are based on a total of 60 in-depth interviews with key informants (trade unions, managers and non-managerial employees) at various levels in the organisational hierarchy and a representative survey of employees. Findings – While the findings confirmed the a priori expectation that the managerial function of VPS is more likely to damage unions than the market function, this study revealed that the interplay between the two functions varied over time and across outlets, and was primarily contingent on the disposition of line management towards the use of VPS and the market context. Research limitations/implications – The consequences of the shift to a managerial function of VPS following the 2008 economic crisis could only be assessed in a preliminary manner due to the time frame of the study. Practical implications – Trade unions, managers and employees need to consider the potential gaps between the intended purposes of VPS and their actual implementation to assess whether they are of potential benefit. Originality/value – This paper contributes to the existing literature in two main ways. First, it adds that the market function of VPS serves managers’ aims not only in aiding them attract, retain and motivate suitably qualified employees as indicated by Flanders (1970), but also in helping them gain great control over labour costs, which in turn, has mixed effects for trade unions. Second, in addition to the pragmatic reasons identified by previous studies, the findings show that a key determinant in unions’ acceptance of VPS involves earlier experiences of unions fighting unsuccessfully against the adoption of VPS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the recession on collective bargaining in Romania, focusing on legislative changes and developments in the public health care and the construction sectors. Prior to the recession, Romania had a legal system that supported dialogue between trade unions, employers and the government, resulting in widespread collective bargaining at all levels. In 2011, the government scrapped all collective agreements and changed, without parliamentary debate, the main labour laws, making it impossible to have cross-sectoral collective agreements and far more difficult to negotiate collective agreements at the sectoral, multi-employer and company levels. The recession was thus used by the centre-right government as a pretext to reform the industrial relations system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]