6 results on '"VARAINE, Simon"'
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2. Egoism and Altruism in Intergroup Conflict.
- Author
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Varaine, Simon, Magni-Berton, Raul, Benslimane, Ismaël, and Crosetto, Paolo
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EGOISM , *ALTRUISM , *INGROUPS (Social groups) , *CIVIL war , *INTERGROUP relations , *OUTGROUPS (Social groups) - Abstract
Studies have shown that intergroup conflict may result from two distinct human motives: the desire to obtain personal retributions from conflict (egoism), and the desire to sacrifice for the benefit of the ingroup (parochial altruism). Yet, the relative strength of these motives is open to debate. In this study, we compare behaviors in two Intergroup Prisoner's Dilemmas (IPD), which respectively capture altruistic and egoistic motives to generate conflict. Egoistic motives result in about 40% more conflict than altruistic motives. Yet, parochial altruism generates more conflict when three conditions are gathered: i) other ingroup members are parochial altruists, ii) the outgroup is aggressive and iii) the outgroup is rich. Implications regarding the diverging structural causes of terrorism and civil wars are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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- 2024
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3. Pourquoi la France est-elle attaquée ? Une analyse comparée des attentats internationaux au nom de l’État islamique (2013-2019).
- Author
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VARAINE, Simon, MAGNI-BERTON, Raul, and EGGER, Clara
- Abstract
A thorny debate persists as to the causes of the attacks that affected France since 2015. One view is that France is being attacked because of the secular and liberal values it embodies. According to a second thesis, France is attacked in response to its interventionist foreign policy. Our contribution proposes to respond to this debate via a behavioral, statistical and comparative analysis of attacks in the name of the Islamic State around the world from 2013 to 2019. Our analyses reveal that countries with liberal values (right to blasphemy, tradition of press caricature, and tolerance of homosexuality) are on average not subject to an increased number of attacks. Conversely, countries involved in air strikes in Iraq or Syria are significantly more affected. A temporal analysis confirms the causal effect of military strikes on attacks, and not the opposite effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2023
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4. The compass of violence : prosperity, decline and the ideological orientation of radical movements
- Author
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Varaine, Simon, Pacte, Laboratoire de sciences sociales (PACTE), Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS)-Université Grenoble Alpes (UGA)-Sciences Po Grenoble - Institut d'études politiques de Grenoble (IEPG ), Université Grenoble Alpes (UGA), Université Grenoble Alpes [2020-....], Raul Magni Berton, and Laurent Bègue
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Radicalization ,Political violence ,Deprivation ,Violence politique ,Inequality ,Terrorism ,Radicalisation ,Ideology ,Terrorisme ,Inégalités ,Privation ,Idéologie ,[SHS.SCIPO]Humanities and Social Sciences/Political science - Abstract
Contrary to a widespread opinion, contexts of economic deprivation do not fuel political violence in general. However, violence committed in the name of right-wing ideologies increases in times of deprivation, while violence in the name of left-wing ideologies rises in times of prosperity. This dissertation aims to document and explain this differential effect of economic deprivation. The first part describes the link between economy and political violence of the right and the left in two historical case studies: France (1882-1980) and the United States (1948-2016). Based on cross-national surveys, psychological experiments and data on terrorist attacks in democratic countries since the 1970s, the second part shows that economic decline favors the mobilization of reactionary ideologies that contribute to right-wing political violence. Based on an economic experiment and data on terrorist attacks, the third part shows that economic inequalities reduce the capabilities of economically dominated groups to attack dominant groups, which consequently limits left-wing political violence. Finally, the last part of the thesis explores some limits of therelationship between economy and political violence: in the case of violence with apolitical motives (e.g. suicide terrorists with suicidal motives) and in the case of violence entering a transnational strategy (e.g. contemporary jihadism).; Contrairement à une intuition répandue, les contextes de misère économique n’alimentent pas les violences politiques en général. En revanche, les violences commises au nom d’idéologies de droite sont accentuées en période de misère, alors que les violences commises au nom d’idéologies de gauche augmentent en période de prospérité. La présente thèse vise à documenter et expliquer cette relation. La première partie décrit le lien entre économie et violences politiques de droite et de gauche dans les cas français (1882-1980) et étasunien (1948-2016). Sur la base d’enquêtes par sondage, d’expérimentations psychologiques et de données sur les actes terroristes dans les pays démocratiques depuis les années 1970, la deuxième partie montre que le déclin économique favorise la mobilisation d’idéaux réactionnaires, qui contribuent aux violences politiques de droite. Sur la base d’une expérimentation économique et de données sur les actes terroristes, la troisième partie montre que les inégalités économiques diminuent les capacités d’attaque des groupes économiquement dominés vis-à-vis des groupes économiquement dominants, ce qui limite les violences politiques de gauche. La dernière partie de la thèse explore quelques limites de la relation entre économie et violences politiques : dans le cas de violences à motifs apolitiques (e.g. attentats-suicides à motifs suicidaires) et dans le cas de violences participant d’une stratégie politique globale (e.g. djihadisme contemporain).
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- 2020
5. Revisiting the Economics and Terrorism Nexus: Collective Deprivation, Ideology and Domestic Radicalization in the US (1948–2016).
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Varaine, Simon
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TERRORISM , *RADICALISM , *LOGISTIC regression analysis , *IDEOLOGY , *ECONOMICS - Abstract
Objectives: Studies generally find no relationship between economic deprivation and terrorist activities, leading to the conclusion that economic conditions have no role in the emergence of terrorist movements. The present paper challenges this conclusion. It argues that collective deprivation affects participation into terrorism, but in different directions depending on the ideology of terrorist movements: far-right terrorism should mobilize more under times of collective deprivation while far-left terrorism should mobilize more under times of collective improvement. Methods: I tested this hypothesis on the PIRUS database about domestic terrorists (N = 1295) in the United States from 1948 to 2016. I analysed whether the proportion of far-right (versus far-left) terrorists in a given year depends on collective deprivation in the US, operationalized through long-term recession of the income and long-term growth of inequality. Results: Hierarchical logistic regression analyses confirmed that far-right terrorism mobilizes more under periods of long-term economic deprivation, while far-left terrorism mobilizes more under improving economic conditions. Besides, the effect of collective deprivation appears to be of socio-tropic nature: it is especially determinant at the national level, rather than at the state or individual level. In contrast, results do not support the view that Islamist terrorism is affected by collective deprivation. Conclusions: The study challenges the view that economic conditions have no role in triggering terrorist mobilization. The differential effect of collective deprivation on far-right and far-left terrorism is compatible with system-justification and backlash theories. Besides, the findings suggest that collective deprivation affects radicalization at an early phase rather than the offending phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
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- 2020
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6. Bad times are not good times for revolutions: Collective deprivation and the mobilization level of French radical movements (1882–1980).
- Author
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Varaine, Simon
- Subjects
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CIVIL defense , *ENDOWMENTS , *PRACTICAL politics , *STATISTICS , *WAR , *DATA analysis - Abstract
Abstract: Contrary to a popular belief, research has generally found no relationship between collective economic deprivation and the rise of radical political movements. On the other hand, various studies show that collective economic deprivation generates societal surges of conservatism. I therefore hypothesize that the absence of a relationship between collective deprivation and radical movements covers up opposite effects of collective deprivation depending on the ideology of radical movements: Reactionary (i.e., conservative radical) movements should mobilize more in times of collective deprivation, whereas revolutionary (i.e., progressive radical) movements should mobilize more in times of collective improvement. This paper tests this hypothesis via a new database measuring the level of mobilization of French radical organizations from 1882 to 1980. Statistical analyses confirm that collective deprivation, operationalized by long‐term economic recession and long‐term growth of inequality, increases the mobilization of reactionary movements and decreases the mobilization of revolutionary movements. These results contradict the view that economic conditions have no role in triggering radical movements and support recent development of system justification theory implying that ideology matters in the explanation of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
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