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The N400 is an event-related potential (ERP) component that is elicited by semantically meaningful stimuli; one of its defining characteristics is that it is amplified for sentence completions that are semantically unexpected or incongruous with the preceding context. Some prior reports using visual sentence reading paradigms have suggested that there may also be a Cz-centered P400 (a P400cz) that is also responding to semantic congruity manipulations, distinct from the classic Pz-centered N400 (the N400pz). In the present experiment, sentences were presented visually one word at a time, and half of the sentences ended with a semantically incongruent ending. High-density 129-channel event-related potential data were recorded from 26 participants. A combination of temporo-spatial principal components analysis (PCA) and item averaging was applied to decompose the waveforms. The presence of the P400cz was confirmed. The P400cz was much more sensitive to congruity and somewhat more sensitive to cloze probability than the N400pz. The separation of the N400 semantic effect into these two portions is consistent with both MEG studies and intracranial studies. The data suggest that the N400pz has its major source in the bilateral anterior medial temporal lobe (AMTL) whereas it is suggested that the P400cz has its major source in the medial parietal region. It is further suggested that whereas the N400pz process appears to be semantic in nature, some prior reports suggest that the P400cz reflects a general sequential expectancy system., (Copyright © 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Event-related potential (ERP) studies of semantic processing have generally focused on the N400, a component that peaks at about 400 ms in response to words and which is larger when words are incongruent with the preceding sentence context. An earlier left-lateralized posterior N2(p3) has also been found to be correlated with an "unexpectedness" rating for incongruent sentence endings [Dien, Frishkoff, Cerbone, and Tucker, 2003, Parametric analysis of event-related potentials in semantic comprehension: evidence for parallel brain mechanisms, Cognitive Brain Research, 15: 137-153]. Because the incongruent endings were too odd to be explicitly predicted, we here hypothesize that this rating, and hence the N2(p3), reflects the degree of automatic spreading activation (ASA) in the visual lexical network rather than semantic expectancy, an interpretation also consistent with the early latency of this ERP (208 ms). In order to identify the brain systems involved in these linguistic processes, functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) was utilized in a replication of the ERP study [Dien, Frishkoff, Cerbone, and Tucker, 2003, Parametric analysis of event-related potentials in semantic comprehension: evidence for parallel brain mechanisms, Cognitive Brain Research, 15: 137-153]. We found that activation in the fusiform semantic area (FSA), an area that converges with the source solution for the N2(p3), responded to the "unexpectedness" parameter in the same manner as the N2(p3) component. These findings suggest that the FSA helps mediate ASA processes and that the N2(p3) can serve as an index of ASA. Furthermore, close effects were found in the superior frontal gyrus and the inferior frontal gyrus that could reflect subvocalization and semantic selection processes respectively.

Participants read sentences presented one word at a time, half of which ended with a semantically incongruent ending. 1.5T functional magnetic resonance imaging data were collected from 11 participants, showing that the left posterior inferior temporal region, which has previously been termed the Language Formulation Area (LFA), responded to cloze probability. It is suggested, based on anatomical positioning and a literature review, that the responsiveness of the LFA to cloze probabilities may reflect a role in coordinating the lexical and non-lexical reading pathways. Finally, it is noted that previous studies have implicated this region in dyslexia and some speculations are made in this regard.

High spatial density recording and better topographic mapping algorithms have improved the spatial resolving power of the event-related potential (ERP), adding to its already excellent temporal resolution. This study used a 64 channel recording array and spherical spline interpolation to create topographic descriptions of the voltage and current density scalp distributions of the ERP in an auditory oddball paradigm. Frequent (standard) and infrequent (target) tones were presented at a rate of one every approximately 2500 ms to a group of 20 college undergraduates in passive listening and active (count the infrequent tones) task blocks. ANOVAs and topographic analyses were performed on the primary deflections in the 'late' portion of the ERP: the P1, N1, P2, N2 and P3. A target minus standard difference wave was also created for each task. The difference wave contained a mismatch negativity (MMN), an N2b and a P3d. The MMN did not differ between the passive and active tasks and had a topography similar to the N1; also the difference wave P3d was topographically similar to the target P3. The N2b, which occurred only to targets in the active condition, and was the first index of target detection, had a scalp distribution consistent with generation in frontal and superior temporal cortex, suggesting activity in cortical areas of selective attention and auditory stimulus representation.