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В данной статье проводится сравнение языка программирования Python, с другими не менее популярными и функциональными языками программирования. Прежде всего сравнение проводилось с Java, так как он является главным конкурентом. Описаны главные отличия и сходства разных языков программирования. Выполнен сравнительный анализ как PHP и C++, были определены сферы применения Python в цифровой экономике. После чего были подведены краткие итоги., This article compares the Python programming language with other equally popular and functional programming languages. First of all, the comparison was made with Java, as it is the main competitor. The main differences and similarities of different programming languages are described. A comparative analysis of both PHP and C ++ was carried out, the areas of application of Python in the digital economy were identified. After that, brief results were summed up., Экономика и предпринимательство, Выпуск 2 (151) 2023, Pages 1244-1246

Subjects that consist of a disjunction of singular noun phrases are compatible with singular and plural agreement on the verb (see Foppolo & Staub 2020). We test the hypothesis that singular agreement is only possible if the disjunction is interpreted as a disjunction of two full sentences. The prediction of this analysis is that singular agreement should only be possible if the disjunction takes widest scope.

This paper proposes that the syntactic structure of clauses in Japanese has a functional projection where a presuppositional object QP is licensed, and that this functional projection also serves as a position where the scope of the object QP is determined. The paper also discusses a piece of empirical consequence of the proposal.

Scope Oddity investigates three cases where scope interactions between different kinds of operators are more restricted than previously thought. These cases are: 1) split scope readings with negative indefinites, 2) interactions between modified numerals and modals, and 3) run-of-the-mill doubly quantified sentences with two nominal quantifiers. In these domains, accounts of the phenomena at hand are built on top of the assumption that surface scope configurations and inverse scope configurations are both available. Using data from the literature as well as novel and largely crosslinguistic data, this book illustrates that scope interactions in these areas are actually far more infrequent than thus far assumed. Scope Oddity comes to the rescue by offering an alternative to these accounts that does not rest on any non-existent scope configurations. The theory presented in this dissertation unifies the phenomena of split scope and scope interactions between modified numerals and modals. It does so by proposing that what underlies the characteristics of both phenomena is focus-sensitivity. Across languages, only the focus-sensitive expressions among negative indefinites and numeral modifiers display the kind of behaviour that results in both split scope readings and certain types of readings we observe when modified numerals occur with modals. Using focus semantics and inquisitive semantics, the account derives both the right semantics and the right pragmatic inferences of the relevant expressions. This work is of interest to semanticists, pragmaticists, and syntacticians alike, as well as to anyone who enjoys example sentences with cats.

Scope Oddity investigates three cases where scope interactions between different kinds of operators are more restricted than previously thought. These cases are: 1) split scope readings with negative indefinites, 2) interactions between modified numerals and modals, and 3) run-of-the-mill doubly quantified sentences with two nominal quantifiers. In these domains, accounts of the phenomena at hand are built on top of the assumption that surface scope configurations and inverse scope configurations are both available. Using data from the literature as well as novel and largely crosslinguistic data, this book illustrates that scope interactions in these areas are actually far more infrequent than thus far assumed. Scope Oddity comes to the rescue by offering an alternative to these accounts that does not rest on any non-existent scope configurations. The theory presented in this dissertation unifies the phenomena of split scope and scope interactions between modified numerals and modals. It does so by proposing that what underlies the characteristics of both phenomena is focus-sensitivity. Across languages, only the focus-sensitive expressions among negative indefinites and numeral modifiers display the kind of behaviour that results in both split scope readings and certain types of readings we observe when modified numerals occur with modals. Using focus semantics and inquisitive semantics, the account derives both the right semantics and the right pragmatic inferences of the relevant expressions. This work is of interest to semanticists, pragmaticists, and syntacticians alike, as well as to anyone who enjoys example sentences with cats.

In many languages, expressions of the type ‘x said: “p”’, ‘x said thatp’ or ‘allegedly,p’ share properties with common syntactic types such as constructions with subordination, paratactic constructions, and constructions with sentence-level adverbs. On closer examination, however, they often turn out to be atypical members of these syntactic classes. In this paper we argue that a more coherent picture emerges if we analyse these expressions as a dedicated syntactic domain in itself, which we refer to as ‘reported speech’. Based on typological observations we argue for the idiosyncrasy of reported speech as a syntactic class. The article concludes with a proposal for a cross-linguistic characterisation that aims at capturing this broadly conceived domain of reported speech with a single semantic definition.

We compare the use of prosodic prominence in English and French to convey focus. While previous studies have found these languages, and Germanic vs. Romance more generally, to differ in their use of prominence to encode focus (e.g., Ladd 1990; 1996; 2008; Lambrecht 1994; Cruttenden 1997; 2006), exactly what underlies the difference remains an open question. We investigate two possibilities: The difference between the languages could be due to a difference in their phonology, restricting the circumstances in which material can be prosodically reduced, as proposed in Féry (2014). Alternatively, there could be syntactic, semantic, and/or pragmatic differences concerning when prominence can be used to encode focus. We compare these hypotheses in a production study which varied the type of focus context (corrective, contrastive, parallelism) to establish the contextual conditions on when a shift in prosodic prominence can occur. The results confirm earlier claims that French uses prosodic prominence to encode focus in corrections, but fails to prosodically encode other types of focus, in contrast to English. We further find that French and English encode focus with very similar acoustic means. Our results show that both languages have the phonological/phonetic means to encode focus using prominence shifts, but differ with respect to the semantic and pragmatic circumstances in which they use them. We propose that these semantic/pragmatic differences between English and French are a result of differences in the syntactic scope possibilities of the focus operator involved in prosodic focus marking.

This paper examines the interaction between negation and some expressions of bouletic modality. Whereas most other types of modals may scope below negation, expressions of bouletic modality in the form of hortative and optative markers never do. The distribution of high adverbials, as well as co-occurrence possibilities with a negative head, such as French ne, reveal that hortatives and optatives do not target the same position: they occupy two different heads within the left peripheral structure. However, it is argued that the syntax of the bouletic operator, which is analyzed as involving high left-peripheral positions, prevents the negative marker from syntactically and semantically scoping over it. This is shown to also correlate with access to metalinguistic negation interpretations. While with the adequate context, the bouletic operators examined here are compatible with metalinguistic negation, no wide scope interpretation above the bouletic modal content is accessible. This is exactly the contexts in which the negative head is syntactically banned. It is proposed that these observations constitute evidence for the fact that metalinguistic negation requires specific syntactic conditions, namely access to a high contrast-related position. Metalinguistic negation is obviously triggered by contextual input, but, at least in the cases examined here, is not blind to syntax.

Data from a wide range of languages appear to show that bare nouns take obligatory narrow scope. Research on bare nouns has therefore closely tied certain interpretative effects (low scope, number neutrality) to the special overt morphosyntax of bareness (Carlson 1977, inter alia). Thus there appears to be a tight connection between the syntax and the semantics of noun phrases. In this context, the goal of this article is two-fold. The first goal is to present data from Official Malagasy that call into question this correlation: bare nouns in the language can take variable scope. Thus the overt form of a nominal is not a reliable signal of its interpretation. Second, it is argued that bare nouns in Official Malagasy are in fact headed by a null determiner. Supporting data come from a related dialect, Antakarana, where bare nouns take obligatory narrow scope and there is no evidence for a null determiner.

This paper considers the syntactic and semantic properties of two vocabulary items in Tagalog, ang and ng. It is shown that although ang and ng appear to encode definiteness (via familiarity), they are in fact unmarked for definiteness, being compatible with both familiar and novel readings. Crucial data from modification by weak quantifiers are presented in favour of this description. The default interpretation of ang and ng as familiar and novel, respectively, arises due to their syntactic position (subject versus object). Given that ang and ng mark case, it is argued that they are case markers in K° and not determiners.

In this paper I focus on scope phenomena connected with semimodal (and modal) verbs and mainly on the syntactic behaviour of these groups of verbs. One important question is: why can semimodal verbs (and modal verbs in epistemic use) not have perfect and future tense forms? Taking among other things Reichenbach's tense system as a starting point I try to point out that the interpretation of a semimodal or a modal in epistemic use is problematic 1. if there is more than one reference time/if the reference time is indefinite or 2. if the verb in question stands together with an auxiliary of future which has a certain modal meaning itself. The comparison of the treatment of these phenomena in the framework of the Semantic Syntax with a non transformational approach (fragment of a categorial grammar) shows, that some important transformational rules and principles easily and economically can be represented in a non transformational grammar. The transformational approach needs rules like RAISING and LOWERING (or at least one of the two, and in addition to this a rather extended set of rules) for the generation of sentences, while in the categorial system we need only two reduction laws. It has to be investigated whether and to what extent the formation and transformation rules in a transformational grammar on the one hand and the dominance / linear precedence rules together with the lexical entries on the other hand are equivalent.

During sentence production, linguistic information (semantics, syntax, phonology) of words is retrieved and assembled into a meaningful utterance. There is still debate on how we assemble single words into more complex syntactic structures such as noun phrases or sentences. In the present study, event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to investigate the time course of syntactic planning. Thirty-three volunteers described visually animated scenes using naming formats varying in syntactic complexity: from simple words ('W', e.g., "triangle", "red", "square", "green", "to fly towards"), to noun phrases ('NP', e.g., "the red triangle", "the green square", "to fly towards"), to a sentence ('S', e.g., "The red triangle flies towards the green square."). Behaviourally, we observed an increase in errors and corrections with increasing syntactic complexity, indicating a successful experimental manipulation. In the ERPs following scene onset, syntactic complexity variations were found in a P300-like component ('S'/'NP'>'W') and a fronto-central negativity (linear increase with syntactic complexity). In addition, the scene could display two actions - unpredictable for the participant, as the disambiguation occurred only later in the animation. Time-locked to the moment of visual disambiguation of the action and thus the verb, we observed another P300 component ('S'>'NP'/'W'). The data show for the first time evidence of sensitivity to syntactic planning within the P300 time window, time-locked to visual events critical of syntactic planning. We discuss the findings in the light of current syntactic planning views. © 2013 Timmers et al.

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This chapter addresses the issue of general number: nominal forms that are underspecified for number. Drawing on data from Malagasy and a range of other languages, it is shown that general number does not correlate with other semantic properties of DPs, such as narrow scope. Thus there is no one-to-one mapping between morphosyntactic form and meaning.

Cette étude s’intéresse au développement de l’utilisation de certains morphèmes, les particules de portée, dont la propriété est d’exercer une influence sur un fragment phrastique déterminé par la position dudit morphème. A partir de l’étude d’un corpus de productions très précoces de deux enfants, nous repérons deux particules produites : aussi et encore dont nous identifions la position dans la phrase. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que de façon similaire à ce qui se produit pour le morphème de négation bien étudié dans la littérature en acquisition, le placement des particules de portée est soumis à des contraintes développementales telles le principe proposé par Slobin (1985) selon lequel les énoncés précoces évitent l’interruption des constituants majeurs de la phrase. Effectivement, le repérage des positions des particules révèle une progression depuis la périphérie phrastique vers des positions plus centrales. Cependant, on note une influence précoce des positions prototypiques de la langue maternelle. This paper investigates the use of some morphemes called scope particles whose property is to influence a sentential fragment that is determined by the position of this Morpheme. The data under observation consist in early productions of two French speaking children. Two particles are examined as well as their position in the sentence. We hypothesize that the evolution of the location of scope particles is similar to the development of the well-studied negation morpheme, that is that the placement of scope particles is determined by developmental constraints such as a principle that was proposed by Slobin (1985) according to which early utterances avoid interruption of the major constituents of the sentence. Indeed the examination of the positions of the particles reveal a development from sentence periphery towards more central positions. However prototypical positions encountered in adults “discourse also prove to have a strong and early effect on children’s use of scope particles.

Türkçe'de Sesbilim ve Sözdizim Etkileşimi: Bağlama ve Etki Alanı Olgularından Kanıtlar Vahap Atilla Oğuşgil Bu çalışma, sesletimsel bir özellik olan vurgunun Türkçe'deki bağlama ve etki alam olguları üzerindeki etkisini incelemektedir. Bağlama çalışması adıl bağlama üzerinedir. Temel olarak, vurgunun adıl ve onun yerini tutan isim arasındaki gönderi ilişkisini tartışmaktadır. Etki alanına gelince, bu çalışma vurgunun bazı niceliksel öğelerle (evrensel niceleyici, belgisiz (bazı) niceleyici, sayısal niceleyiciler ve neden gösteren yan tümceler) olumsuzluk arasındaki etki alam üzerindeki etkisini incelemektedir. Vurgu ile adıl bağlama arasındaki etkileşim üzerindeki temel iddia, adıl veya onun yerini tutan isim üzerindeki vurgunun birbirlerine yapılan eşgöndermeyi engellediğidir. Vurgunun adılın yerini tutan isim üzerinde olduğu dilbigisel olmayan cümleler Chomsky'nin (1981) Sol Sınırlaması ile açıklanmaktadır. Ama bununla beraber, Sol Sınırlama'nın bu kez adıl üzerinde vurgu olan dilbigisel olmayan cümleler üzerinde yetersiz kaldığı tespit edilmiştir. Sonuç olarak, söz konusu cümleleri Lujan'ın (1985) Erişebilirlik İlkesi ve Bağlı Değişken Sınırlamaları doğru bir şekilde açıklamaktadır. Vurgunun eşgönderme üzerindeki engelleyici etkisine destekleyici kanıt söylem etkenlerinden gelir. Söylem etkenlerine göre, bilgisel statüsü açısından vurgudan kaynaklanan yeni bir varlık ile eski bir varlık arasındaki eşgönderim, çelişkiye neden olmaktadır. vıVurgunun etki alanı üzerindeki etkisine gelince, iki farklı sesletimin, anlamlan farklı iki farklı cümle ürettiği iddia edilmektedir. Cümlesel vurgu olduğu durumlarda olumsuzluğun geniş etki alanına, niceliksel öğenin vurgulu olduğu durumlarda ise o niceliksel öğenin geniş etki alanına sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Vurgulu niceliksel öğenin geniş etki alanı alması, Brody'nin (1995) Vurgu Kriterini tatmin etmesi için, o öğenin Rizzi (1997) çalışması ışığında Vurgu Öbeğine yükselmesi ile açıklanmıştır. Vurgunun geniş etki alam alması, ne... ne ibareleri, vurgu ve olumsuzluk arasındaki etkileşimde ve ana tümce faaliyet alam alabilen soru öğelerinde gözlenen gerçeklerle desteklenmiştir. Anahtar sözcükler: Vurgu; Bağlama; Etki Alam; Niceliksel Öğeler; Söylem Phonology-Syntax Interface in Turkish: Evidence from Binding and Scope Phenomena by Vahap Atilla Oğuşgil This study analyzes the influence of one particular phonological feature - focus - on binding and scope phenomena in Turkish. The analysis of binding specifically includes pronominal binding. It basically specifies the influence of focus on coreferential reading between a pronoun and its antecedent. With respect to scope phenomena, this study investigates the influence of focus on relative scope order between some quantificational elements including the universal quantifier, the existential quantifier, numerals, reason clauses and negation The basic claim on the interaction of focus with pronominal binding is that focus on either pronoun or its antecedent precludes coreferentiality. The ill-formed sentences in which the antecedent is focused is accounted for by Chomsky's (1981) Leftness Condition (LC). However, it has been noted that the LC is incapable of accounting for ill-formed sentences in which the pronoun, this time, is focused. Consequently, it is pointed out that it is in fact Lujan's (1989) Accessibility Principle (AP) and Bound- Variable Constraint (BVC) which can correctly explain the ill-formed sentences in question. Supportive evidence on the blocking effect of focus on IVcoreferentiality comes from discourse factors according to which the coindexation between a new entity (as a result of focusing) and an old entity gives rise to a clash. With regard to the effect of focus on scope phenomena, it is claimed that two different prosodic patterns yield two different sentences with two different meanings. It has been noted that, the quantificational element, when focused takes wide scope interpretation but when the sentence is uttered with a sentential stress, negation takes wide scope. The focused quantificational element takes its wide scope interpretation through focus movement in the sense of Rizzi (1997) in order to satisfy Focus Criterion (Brody, 1995). The claim on the focused element taking wide scope is supported with the facts observed in the interaction between ne.... ne phrases, focus and negation and also from [wh-] elements having matrix clause scope. Keywords: Focus; Binding; Scope; Quantificational elements; Discourse 151