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Although the positive effects of iconic gestures on word recall and comprehension by children have been clearly established, less is known about the benefits of beat gestures (rhythmic hand/arm movements produced together with prominent prosody). This study investigated (a) whether beat gestures combined with prosodic information help children recall contrastively focused words as well as information related to those words in a child-directed discourse (Experiment 1) and (b) whether the presence of beat gestures helps children comprehend a narrative discourse (Experiment 2). In Experiment 1, 51 4-year-olds were exposed to a total of three short stories with contrastive words presented in three conditions, namely with prominence in both speech and gesture, prominence in speech only, and nonprominent speech. Results of a recall task showed that (a) children remembered more words when exposed to prominence in both speech and gesture than in either of the other two conditions and that (b) children were more likely to remember information related to those words when the words were associated with beat gestures. In Experiment 2, 55 5- and 6-year-olds were presented with six narratives with target items either produced with prosodic prominence but no beat gestures or produced with both prosodic prominence and beat gestures. Results of a comprehension task demonstrated that stories told with beat gestures were comprehended better by children. Together, these results constitute evidence that beat gestures help preschoolers not only to recall discourse information but also to comprehend it., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

This study examines the influence of the position of prosodic heads (accented syllables) and prosodic edges (prosodic word and intonational phrase boundaries) on the timing of head movements. Gesture movements and prosodic events tend to be temporally aligned in the discourse, the most prominent part of gestures typically being aligned with prosodically prominent syllables in speech. However, little is known about the impact of the position of intonational phrase boundaries on gesture-speech alignment patterns. Twenty-four Catalan speakers produced spontaneous (experiment 1) and semi-spontaneous head gestures with a confirmatory function (experiment 2), along with phrase-final focused words in different prosodic conditions (stress-initial, stress-medial, and stress-final). Results showed (a) that the scope of head movements is the associated focused prosodic word, (b) that the left edge of the focused prosodic word determines where the interval of gesture prominence starts, and (c) that the speech-anchoring site for the gesture peak (or apex) depends both on the location of the accented syllable and the distance to the upcoming intonational phrase boundary. These results demonstrate that prosodic heads and edges have an impact on the timing of head movements, and therefore that prosodic structure plays a central role in the timing of co-speech gestures.

Although intonation has been traditionally associated with the expression of attitudes and intentions on the part of the speaker, little is known about whether sociopragmatic factors, such as power or social distance, or situational ones, like physical distance or insistence, can constrain the use and felicity of pitch contours. This article investigates the felicity conditions underlying the choice of three vocative pitch contours in Central Catalan by means of two experiments, namely a production experiment based on the Discourse Completion Task (320 vocative contours produced by 20 speakers), and an acceptability judgment task in which 72 listeners were asked to rate the appropriateness match between a set of vocative contours and a previous discourse context (3,456 responses). The results from the two experiments show that both situational and social politeness factors govern the choice of vocative intonation. Finally, the results are discussed in line with the traditional classification of politeness strategies defined by Brown and Levinson, in the sense that the three intonation contours can be linked to negative, positive, and bald on-record politeness strategies.

The neural representation of segmental and tonal phonological distinctions has been shown by means of the MMN ERP, yet this is not the case for intonational discourse contrasts. In Catalan, a rising-falling intonational sequence can be perceived as a statement or as a counterexpectational question, depending exclusively on the size of the pitch range interval of the rising movement. We tested here, using the MMN, whether such categorical distinctions elicited distinct neurophysiological patterns of activity, supporting their specific neural representation. From a behavioral identification experiment, we set the boundary between the two categories and defined four stimuli across the continuum. Although the physical distance between each pair of stimuli was kept constant, the central pair represented an across-category contrast, whereas the other pairs represented within-category contrasts. These four auditory stimuli were contrasted by pairs in three different oddball blocks. The mean amplitude of the MMN was larger for the across-category contrast, suggesting that intonational contrasts in the target language can be encoded automatically in the auditory cortex. These results are in line with recent findings in other fields of linguistics, showing that, when a boundary between categories is crossed, the MMN response is not just larger but rather includes a separate subcomponent.

Research in the past few decades has claimed that high or rising fundamental frequency (F0) signals a set of meanings related to the expression of politeness (e.g., deference, submission or lack of confidence (Gussenhoven, 2004; Ohala, 1984)). In this regard, the Frequency Code has been proposed to explain the universal tendency for high pitch to be interpreted as related to politeness and other sociopragmatic meanings (Gussenhoven, 2004; Gussenhoven, Chen, & Rietveld, 2002; Ohala, 1984). Recently, however, some experimental research has questioned the universality of the Frequency Code and pointed to the importance of taking other prosodic parameters into account (e.g., Brown & Levinson, 1987; Grawunder, Oertel, & Schwarze, 2014; Winter & Grawunder, 2012). Clearly, further work is needed before the question of universal tendencies in the prosodic encoding of politeness can be conclusively settled. The present study attempts to help fill that gap. Twenty Catalan speakers participated in an oral discourse elicitation task designed to investigate the prosodic components of politeness in requests in formal register speech compared to informal speech by not only analysing F0 parameters but also taking into account other prosodic parameters such as duration, voice quality and intensity, and controlling for the use of phonological intonational patterns. Results showed that subjects exhibited a slower speech rate, a lower mean pitch, less intensity, less shimmer and less jitter and an increase in H1–H2 in the formal condition. Thus, contrary to previous claims, the Frequency Code appears not to hold for this language. Rather, our results support the idea that Catalan speakers use a phonetic mitigation strategy involving various prosodic correlates. After comparing our findings with the results reported in previous literature for other languages, we entertain the hypothesis that prosodic mitigation may well play a strong role in marking politeness cross-linguistically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]