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Despite changes to Canadian immigration policy to address declining labour market outcomes, many highly educated immigrants still face challenges when searching for career-related employment. Semi-structured interviews with 38 skilled newcomers in Edmonton, Alberta and Winnipeg, Manitoba illustrate significant obstacles, including a lack of credential recognition, racial discrimination, and a requirement for Canadian experience. Drawing from inter-sectional feminism and critical race theory, this study assesses the perspectives of newcomers during their employment search and explores the common desire for return-migration. Findings illustrate how the pre-arrival expectations of immigrants are incongruent with the realities of persistent labour market barriers. Newcomers consider if they should stay in Canada due to the lack of meaningful economic opportunities. Keywords: secondary migration, return migration, labour market integration, critical race theory, intersectionality, transnational feminism Malgre les changements a la politique d'immigration canadienne pour remedier la baisse des resultats sur le marche du travail, de nombreux immigrants tres instruits sont toujours confrontes a des difficultes lorsqu'ils cherchent un emploi lie a leur carriere. Des entretiens semi-structures avec 38 nouveaux arrivants qualifies a Edmonton, Alberta, et a Winnipeg, Manitoba, illustrent des obstacles importants, notamment le manque de reconnaissance des titres de competences, la discrimination raciale et l'exigence d'une experience canadienne. S'inspirant du feminisme intersectionnel et de la theorie critique de la race, cette etude evalue les perspectives des nouveaux arrivants pendant leur recherche d'emploi et explore le desir commun de retourner sur le marche du travail. Les resultats illustrent comment les attentes des immigrants avant leur arrivee sont incompatibles avec les realites des obstacles persistants du marche du travail. Les nouveaux arrivants se demandent s'ils doivent rester au Canada en raison du manque d'opportunites economiques significatives. Mots-cles: migration secondaire, migration de retour, integration sur le marche du travail, theorie critique de la race, intersectionnalite, feminisme transnational., INTRODUCTION In recent decades, Canadian immigration policy has increasingly prioritized 'economic self-sufficiency' over cultural diversity and multiculturalism (Abu-Laban 1998; Chuong 2015). Current immigrant selection policy strives for optimal labour market [...]

Multiculturalism promises equality and tolerance, yet racialized minorities in Canada continue to report experiences of discrimination. As Canada becomes increasingly culturally and racially diverse, it is important to understand what this discrimination means for sense of belonging in Canada. Using ordinary logistic regressions, we examine the effects of ethnocultural and racial discrimination on sense of belonging. Relying on a theoretical framework of the Rejection/Identification and Rejection/Disidentification models, we test the impacts of discrimination on national sense of belonging and on in-group sense of belonging. We further examine the differential effects of discrimination on sense of belonging for white and non-white Canadians. We find that discrimination negatively impacts both national and in-group sense of belonging among both non-white and white Canadians, although the impact is stronger among racialized minorities. Thus, we argue that discrimination reduces sense of belonging in Canada generally, but is more damaging to those who already occupy a marginalized social position. These findings have implications for our understanding of multiculturalism in Canada. Le multiculturalisme promet l'egalite et la tolerance, mais les minorites racialisees au Canada continuent de signaler des experiences de discrimination. Alors que le Canada devient de plus en plus diversifie sur les plans culturel et racial, il est important de comprendre ce que cette discrimination signifie pour le sentiment d'appartenance au Canada. A l'aide de regressions logistiques ordinaires, nous examinons les effets de la discrimination ethnoculturelle et raciale sur le sentiment d'appartenance. En nous appuyant sur un cadre theorique des modeles Rejet / Identification et Rejet / Desidentification, nous testons les impacts de la discrimination sur le sentiment national d'appartenance et sur le sentiment d'appartenance au sein du groupe. Nous examinons plus en detail les effets differentiels de la discrimination sur le sentiment d'appartenance des Canadiens blancs et non blancs. Nous constatons que la discrimination a un impact negatif sur le sentiment d'appartenance a la fois national et au sein du groupe chez les Canadiens non blancs et blancs, bien que l'impact soit plus fort chez les minorites racialisees. Ainsi, nous soutenons que la discrimination reduit le sentiment d'appartenance au Canada en general, mais qu'elle est plus dommageable pour ceux qui occupent deja une position sociale marginalisee. Ces resultats ont des repercussions sur notre comprehension du multiculturalisme au Canada., INTRODUCTION In recent decades, there has been a liberalization of immigration policies in Canada, leading in turn to significant changes in the demography of the Canadian population (Mann, 2014). While [...]

This article examines the discourse surrounding issues affecting Indigenous peoples within the Canadian mainstream media. We compare the coverage of two cases of water poisonings--one in a primarily-white town and the other in an Indigenous- community--in 282 newspaper articles from the Toronto Star, the Globe and Mail, the National Post, and. Windspeaker. We show that the dominant coverage of these two very similar cases diverged significantly. The Indigenous workers in charge of the water supply were regarded as incompetent and incapable to fill their position while the entire community was described as drunk, lazy, helpless, and perpetually dependent on government aide. By contrast, white workers were seen as relatable and in command of their erroneous actions, while the residents of the town were described simply as the victims of an unfortunate tragedy. Such reporting fails to contextualize the events or point out the injustices of Canadian colonialism, thus contributing to the perpetuation of these injustices. Cet article examine le discours sur les questions touchant les peuples autochtones dans les medias grand public canadiens. Nous comparons la couverture de deux cas d'intoxication par l'eau - l'un dans une ville principalement blanche et l'autre dans une communaute autochtone--dans 282 articles de journaux du Toronto Star, du Globe and Mail, du National Post et de Windspeaker. Nous montrons que la couverture dominante de ces deux cas tres similaires a diverge de maniere significative. Les travailleurs autochtones charges de l'approvisionnement en eau etaient consideres comme incompetents et incapables de remplir leur poste, tandis que toute la communaute etait decrite comme ivre, paresseuse, impuissante et perpetuellement dependante de l'aide du gouvernement. En revanche, les travailleurs blancs etaient percus comme pouvant etre racontes et maitrisant leurs actions erronees, tandis que les habitants de la ville etaient simplement decrits comme les victimes d'une tragedie malheureuse. De tels reportages ne parviennent pas a contextualiser les evenements ou a souligner les injustices du colonialisme canadien, contribuant ainsi a la perpetuation de ces injustices., INTRODUCTION Beginning on May 13th, 2000, Walkerton, a majority-white community in Southern Ontario (Statistics Canada, 2016), experienced the worst case of Escherichia Coli (E. Coli) poisoning in North America's history [...]

Racial disparities in postdisplacement outcomes are investigated while controlling for predisplacement experience and earnings of individual workers. Applying data from the Displaced Workers Survey, no racial difference is demonstrated in the reemployment wage. Significant disparity is shown in the prospects of reemployment among workers with equivalent experience and characteristics.

This article examines post-Civil Rights Act trends in private sector managerial representation for white men, white women, black men, and black women. We examine how three factors affect changing access to managerial positions: (1) industrial restructuring, (2) the process of bottom-up ascription, and (3) organizational characteristics. Accounting for compositional shifts in the labor supply, we find that white male managerial overrepresentation remains virtually unchanged since 1966, even while other status groups make gains. A significant portion of the observed equal opportunity advance for women and blacks takes place in the expanding service sectors of the economy. We also find that female and minority gains are enhanced in larger and more managerially intensive workplaces. For all groups, managerial representation is increasingly tied to the presence of similar others in nonmanagerial jobs. Further examination reveals a new status hierarchy of managers and subordinates--a hierarchy wherein white men are likely to manage men of all races. White women, in comparison, are realizing a growing racial privilege in managing women of color.

Historical representations explicitly depicting Blacks as apelike have largely disappeared in the United States, yet a mental association between Blacks and apes remains. Here, the authors demonstrate that U.S. citizens implicitly associate Blacks and apes. In a series of laboratory studies, the authors reveal how this association influences study participants' basic cognitive processes and significantly alters their judgments in criminal justice contexts. Specifically, this Black-ape association alters visual perception and attention, and it increases endorsement of violence against Black suspects. In an archival study of actual criminal cases, the authors show that news articles written about Blacks who are convicted of capital crimes are more likely to contain ape-relevant language than news articles written about White convicts. Moreover. those who are implicitly portrayed as more apelike in these articles are more likely to be executed by the state than those who are not. The authors argue that examining the subtle persistence of specific historical representations such as these may not only enhance contemporary research on dehumanization, stereotyping, and implicit processes but also highlight common forms of discrimination that previously have gone unrecognized. Keywords: dehumanization, racial bias, historical representations, implicit knowledge, stereotyping

The effects of racial segregation and political threat with reference to whites and African-American on police force size are studied. Findings reveal that whites' threat is more than one-third of the effect of African-American on police force size.

Occupational inequality by sex and race play an important role in elections in the U.S. at county-level.

Do African Americans, Hispanics, and non-Hispanic whites differ in their explanations of the socioeconomic divide separating blacks and whites in the United States? Have such explanations changed over time? To answer these questions, I use data from the 1977 to 2004 General Social Surveys (GSS) to map race/ethnic differences in support for, trends in, and the determinants of seven 'modes of explanation' for blacks' disadvantage. Trends over time indicate the continuation of a long-standing decline in non-Hispanic whites' use of an ability-based (innate inferiority) explanation. Non-Hispanic whites 'beliefs in a purely motivational and a purely educational explanation are increasing, however, along with the view that none of the explanations offered in the GSS explain blacks' disadvantage. African Americans and Hispanics also evidence increases in a purely motivational explanation, but they differ from non-Hispanic whites in demonstrating clear declines in structural beliefs--especially the perception that discrimination explains blacks' lower socioeconomic status. These conservative shifts in blacks' and Hispanics' beliefs result in greater similarity with non-Hispanic whites over time. Notably, however, significant 'static' race/ethnic group differences remain: non-Hispanic whites score highest, and blacks lowest, on a purely motivational explanation, while African Americans are more likely than both non-Hispanic whites and Hispanics to endorse a discrimination-based explanation. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for racial policy support.

A telephone survey of Michigan residents provided statistics about the economic conditions and undesirable behavior of white Americans and asked respondents to estimate the corresponding statistics for blacks. Data from white respondents showed that the greater the perceived racial difference (PRD) in rates of undesirable behavior, the more blacks were seen as not trying to better themselves and the less blacks were viewed as experiencing discrimination. The greater the PRD in economic status, especially controlling for education, the more respondents saw racial discrimination as continuing. Controlling for the PRD in Undesirable Behavior, however, the PRD in economic status had little effect on the belief that blacks do not make effort. Implications of these results for status generalization processes are discussed. Because respondents underestimated all racial differences, accurate knowledge of racial statistics might increase both the belief that discrimination continues and the belief that blacks fail to make an effort.

Number of discursive devices used by employers when talking about employment market issues for migrants in Australia is explored based on data obtained from a research project, which sought to understand barriers to employment for 'visibly different' refugees and new migrants. Analysis reveals that employers use a number of rhetorical strategies, embedded within broader racist discourses, to deflect attention from their own possible culpability in discriminating against those from migrant and refugee backgrounds.

Changes in the residential segregation of racial minorities in Canada's three largest metropolitan areas are examined. The results reveal that conventional expectations concerning patterns of residential spatial assimilation by racial minority immigrants are likely to be altered under conditions of persistent high levels of immigration.

Eighty-nine black women's racial and gender identities were examined within an intersectional framework that emphasized their unique integration of these identities. Quantitative analyses indicated that the intersected black-woman identity was more important than the individual identities of woman and black person. Further, interference in the black identity (but not interference in the woman identity) was related to lower self-esteem and depression. Qualitative analyses of rewards and difficulties experienced as black women identified four themes: stereotyping and discrimination, personal esteem, isolation from others, and opportunities and resources. Black women who mentioned any reward reported higher self-esteem than those who did not. The value of an intersectional framework for thinking about black women's identities is discussed. Keywords Black women * Identity interference * Identity conflict * Well-being * Identity importance * Social identity * Race * Gender

This study examines the coping responses of individuals reporting experiences of racial/ethnic discrimination (N= 156). Racial/ethnic differences in contextual appraisals and coping strategies were reported in response to discrimination. African and Asian American participants reporting experiences of discrimination were more likely to perceive the situation as a challenge. African Americans reporting experiences of discrimination were more likely to report seeking support and guidance when compared to Asian and European Americans. Contextual appraisals did not predict the use of coping strategies in response to experiences of discrimination. Emotional discharge and past experiences of discrimination were positively associated with re-experiencing symptoms. Cognitive avoidance coping strategies were associated with avoidance symptoms. Clinical implications of the findings are explored.

This research examines the multiple effects of racial diversity on group decision making. Participants deliberated on the trial of a Black defendant as members of racially homogeneous or heterogeneous mock juries. Half of the groups were exposed to pretrial jury selection questions about racism and half were not. Deliberation analyses supported the prediction that diverse groups would exchange a wider range of information than all-White groups. This finding was not wholly attributable to the performance of Black participants, as Whites cited more case facts, made fewer errors, and were more amenable to discussion of racism when in diverse versus all-White groups. Even before discussion, Whites in diverse groups were more lenient toward the Black defendant, demonstrating that the effects of diversity do not occur solely through information exchange. The influence of jury selection questions extended previous findings that blatant racial issues at trial increase leniency toward a Black defendant. Keywords: racial diversity, group composition, decision making, jury deliberations, jury selection

Scenarios involving ambiguous or unambiguous threats of racial harassment were crossed with four managerial response strategies (taking action, acknowledgment, reframing, denial). Results suggest that minority members are more likely to view repeated racial jokes as severe and are more likely to report the behavior to a manager. For minority group members, racial identification moderated the relationship between type of harassment and perceived severity. For majority group members, blindness to privilege and unawareness of racial issues moderated the relationship between type of harassment and likelihood to report the incident. Taking action was associated with more positive perceptions of organizational justice and a belief that the organization would be less tolerant toward future incidents involving racial harassment. Differences across groups (Whites, African Americans, Hispanics/Latinos, and Asians) were found, suggesting a perceptual gap based on racial schema.

In this study, the relative importance of family/household structure, socioeconomic status, and culture is examined, and their connection to racial and ethnic variations in caregiving networks is explored. Each of these three domains is seen as contributing to the race/ethnic variations in caregiving arrangements. KEYWORDS. Caregiving, racial and ethnic differences, frail elderly, community living, family structure, socioeconomic status, culture, family structure, household structure, informal support

A study is conducted to re-examine Simpson's analysis of the South Asians in Bradford that uses an alternative conception of ethnic residential segregation, and associated statistical measures. It suggests that, contra Simpson, segregation of that ethnic group did increase over the period 1991-2001, with implications for public policy.

The evidence on the extent of ethnic segregation experienced by children across secondary schools and neighborhoods are presented. The result shows that consistently higher segregation was observed for south Asian pupils than for African pupils, and the segregation tends to be lower for AfricanAmerican pupils where they are relatively numerous but that no such attenuation exists for pupils of South Asian origin.

Recent mock-jury research often has found no evidence that White jurors are more likely to convict and impose harsher sentences on Black compared to White defendants. Drawing on social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), this paper argues that this apparent null effect reflects that different racial biases shown by White jurors varying in social dominance orientation (SDO) cancel each other out. A mock-jury study (n = 70) found no main effect for defendant race, but evidence for a crossover interaction with high SDO individuals showing an anti-Black bias and with low SDO individuals showing a pro-Black bias in their guilty judgments and sentence recommendations. The discussion argues race is still a critical factor in White jurors' decision making.

The spatial mismatch concept is studied and the most serious example of spatial mismatch and its negative impacts on Black welfare are discussed. The effects of housing market segregation on the employment and earnings of Black Chicago and Detroit residents are mentioned.

This article presents research on racial biases by examining questionnaires given to participants for detection of implicit biases, and examining interpretation and reaction to such biases. The authors find that subjects experiencing success at avoiding prejudice are least likely to detect racial biases when they are subtle.

The disparity between public sensibilities and empirical data in the United States has become so extreme that certain topics can no longer be investigated without bringing down cries of 'racism'. The U.S. police have been accused of discrimination because they investigate a higher percentage of black and hispanic minority suspects than white or Asians. The facts are that black U.S. citizens commit violent crimes at four to eight times the white rate. Hispanics commit violent crimes at about three times the white rate, and Asians only one half to three quarters the white rate. Blacks are as much more criminally violent than whites, as men are more violent than women. Of the approximately 1,700,000 interracial crimes of violence involving blacks and whites, 90 percent are committed by blacks against whites. Blacks are 50 times more likely than whites to commit individual acts of interracial violence. They are up to 250 times more likely than whites to engage in multiple-offender or group interracial violence. Fifty-six percent of violent crimes committed by blacks have white victims. Only two to three percent of violent crimes committed by whites have black victims. Key Words: Racial profiling, police, law enforcement, crime, rape

The author criticizes Eduardo Bonilla-Silva's theory regarding racism, focusing on reasons for racism in the US. Topics include the formation of 'racialized societies,' differences between race and ethnicity, objectifying races, and the need to reconsider the social impact of racial terms.

The author discusses his views regarding race relations, focusing on the social impact of racialized social systems. Topics include racial stratification, social significance of racial identity, and differences between race and ethnicity.

The disproportionate number of West Africans in front-line French battalions during World War I is examined. Evidence from casualty numbers indicates that those races deemed warlike by the French were consistently placed in assault troops in high-risk maneuvers.

This article analyzes political responsiveness to minority communities through a case study of municipal employment opportunities in Richmond, Virginia. Using equal employment opportunity reports, it analyzes racial exclusion (the representation of minority workers within occupations) and racial subordination (the distribution of minority and nonminority workers across occupations) among Richmond's public sector workers. Additionally, it looks at percentage point changes in the representation of minority and nonminority workers in municipal jobs, to provide a more detailed analysis of the quality of opportunities that are made available as the city's dominant council coalitions changed from a White conservative coalition to a Black liberal regime to a multiracial conservative coalition. Qualitative data from interviews with the city's political actors clarify and support the patterns found in the employment data. The analysis demonstrates that the substantive resources Blacks are likely to gain differ significantly by political regime.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964, the National Environmental Policy Act, the Fair Housing Act, Affirmative Action programs, and more recently, the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act and Executive Order 12898 have all attempted to combat discrimination. However, planning decisions continue to directly and indirectly discriminate against certain groups of citizens in urban areas throughout the United States. An example of such discriminatory practices can be seen in the patterns of urban services delivery and capital investment in our communities. A spatial analysis of capital improvement plans using geographic information system technology for the Des Moines, Iowa, urbanized area is presented as a feasible method by which urban analysts can address equity issues.

Over the last decade, Australia has been the host country for more than 5,000 Ethiopians (Oromos, Eritreans, Hararis, Tigrays, Amharas), Somalis, Somalilanders, Northern and Southern Sudanese, Liberians, Ogadens, and Democratic [...]

Empirical comparisons on several current racial attitudes were conducted to determine the effects of racism on present-day politics. The general perspective is focused on the symbolic politics theory which suggests that the long-standing discriminating attitudes of white Americans marked their socializing culture towards African Americans. Findings reveal the significant role of racism in political preferences which include racial policy preferences., Race relations in the United States have had a long history, but one that is marked by significant discontinuities over time. The period of slavery was followed by the brief [...]

The concept of 'race' within the police force is analysed by asking a number of black and Asian policemen about their experiences within a predominantly white police system. Black policemen have to accept the prejudice, stereotyping and ethnic jokes they encounter to be accepted as a member of the team. Drinking after work is an important part of the team building process and Asians who cannot do so for religious reasons find it difficult to be accepted. Black policemen also do not feel they can really trust their white colleagues.

In this article we examine the extent to which racial (antiblack) prejudice conditions the effect of the race of strangers encountered in public settings on whites' fear of being crime victims in those settings. We hypothesize that encountering black strangers, as opposed to white strangers, evokes greater fear of being a crime victim in prejudiced whites than in whites who are not prejudiced. Data collected using the factorial survey method support this hypothesis. These results indicate that research dealing with whites' fear of being crime victims in public settings needs to consider both the race of potential criminals and the racial attitudes of potential victims.

The studies of inequality must incorporate the racial aspects. Although many believe that a right mix of socioeconomic and political reform may reduce inequality between races, after forty years this method has failed to bring about desired racial equality in the US. Social critics fail to justify their opinion that racial inequality is the product of 'societal' condition. A new line of argument is gaining ground in the US that genetic and biochemical factors influence racial behaviour and thus have a bearing on the inequality among races.

Statistics show that people of black origin in the United States have a higher arrest rate than the white Americans. There have been suggestions for ethnic quotas in death sentences to counter arbitrary arrests made by the police. There does appear to be evidence that African-Americans do commit more crimes that Americans of other races, despite the potential for higher rates of law enforcement against African-Americans.

This paper considers the significance of self-organization for black and minority workers in trade unions. It embodies a review of the theoretical and empirical evidence in support of black self-organization within unions; that is, a strategy of relative autonomy rather than separatism or submersion within a race-blind union. The theoretical support is derived from arguments concerning identity, participation and power. Much of the empirical material is based upon interviews with black and white lay members and shop stewards from three branches ('Helthten', 'Shaften' and 'Mounten') of the National and Local Government Officers union (NALGO) and with NALGO national officials between 1989 and 1990.

The purpose of this research note is to document the importance of empirical specification in the analysis of the influence of race on home mortgage lending decisions. Using a variety of testing procedures and detailed lending decision data for a large midwestern lending institution, the authors show that dramatically different results may be obtained from slight changes in empirical specification. The case study presented here can serve as a prototype for the large number of such case studies needed to obtain convincing evidence on the question of where and how discrimination may, or may not, emerge as a marketwide phenomenon.

Arab ethnic minorities in Israel face discrimination in the allocation of social services. Arab children, in particular, have diffuculty securing public welfare allocation because of the status quo on ethnic states. Since ethnic states pose a threat to the next generation of Israel culture, Arab children are expected to maintain their status as second-class citizens of the country.

The authors argue that white racial attitudes have shifted from a universal rejection of blacks as potential neighbors to an acceptance of open housing in principle -- but not in practice. As a result, 1970-1980 declines in racial segregation were confined to metropolitan areas where the number of blacks was so small that desegregation could be accommodated without threatening white preferences for limited interracial contact. Although new housing construction created an impetus for integration in some areas by increasing the proportion of homes built under the Fair Housing Act, most urban blacks lived in older urban areas where new housing was quite limited.