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The concept of respect figures prominently in several theories on intergroup relations. Previous studies suggested that the experience of being respected is primarily related to the feeling of being recognized as an equal, as opposed to social recognition of needs or achievements. Those studies focused, however, on either minority groups or ad hoc groups, thereby possibly giving equality recognition an advantage. This article extends previous findings by comparing societal groups situated in various contexts. We examined eight groups from four countries. We anticipated and found that the link between respect and equality recognition was stronger for groups that are in the position of minorities compared to groups associated with majorities. Owing to the moral and legal force of the norm of equality, disadvantaged minorities in particular might be able to improve their societal position by founding their claims on the equality principle. Need recognition, in contrast, was less influential for minority groups than for majority groups. While we observed these context-dependent variations, an internal meta-analysis showed that feeling recognized as an equal was, overall, the strongest indicator for feeling respected. This suggests that demands for respect could often be addressed by establishing relationships in society that are based on mutual recognition as equals, while the implications of achievement and need recognition should additionally be considered in specific contexts.

Social protests present democracies with a dilemma because their governments must balance respect for citizens’ right to free expression against maintenance of law and order. Drawing on litigation ...

Does social protest following the police killing of unarmed Black civilians have a widespread “opinion-mobilizing” effect against the police? Or, does the racialized nature of these events polarize mass opinion based on standing racial and political orientations? To answer these questions, we use a large dataset comprised of weekly cross sections of the American public and employ a regression discontinuity in time (RDiT) approach leveraging the random timing of the police killing of George Floyd and ensuing nationwide protests. We find that the Floyd protests swiftly decreased favorability toward the police and increased perceived anti-Black discrimination among low-prejudice and politically liberal Americans. However, attitudes among high-prejudice and politically conservative Americans either remained unchanged or evinced only small and ephemeral shifts. Our evidence suggests that the Floyd protests served to further racialize and politicize attitudes within the domain of race and law enforcement in the U.S.

Over the past decade, there has been a revival of social protest and labor union activity in Chile. In this article, we examine the effects of this phenomenon to analyze its influence on working-class identity. Using International Social Survey Programme surveys from 2009 and 2019, we investigate whether class location and union membership affect people’s subjective identification with the working class and how that effect may have changed over the decade. Our findings suggest that subjects who are situated in a ‘subordinated’ class position (unskilled workers or informal self-employed workers) are more likely to identify with the working class compared to subjects located in a privileged class position (employers, experts, or managers). However, surprisingly, our analysis does not indicate that working-class identity is reinforced by union membership. In addition, our results do not demonstrate that the effect of class or union membership has strengthened over the past decade. At the end of this article, we offer some possible explanations for these findings.

Les protestations sociales en Chine se sont deroulees dans un contexte realiste et historique specifique et ont eu une relation compliquee avec les medias ancres dans la structure sociale specifique. Notre intention est d’illustrer trois facteurs qui influencent le role des medias dans les manifestations sociales en Chine : le systeme mediatique, les regles de fonctionnement des institutions mediatiques et des professionnels des medias, et le capital social des manifestants et les strategies de protestation. En se basant sur les points de vue et le degre d’implication des medias dans les protestations, cet article souligne les roles des medias traditionnels dans les protestations sociales en quatre categories : « defenseur », « promoteur », « coordinateur » et « obstructeur ». Ensuite, cet article propose trois types d’interaction discursive entre les medias traditionnels et les medias en ligne : les medias traditionnels dominent l’opinion publique ; les medias traditionnels et les medias en ligne dominent conjointement l’opinion publique ; les medias en ligne dominent l’opinion publique.

The 19th and 2Oth December 2001, Argentina lived the rnost important social protest of its recent democratic history. During the first months of the protest, the irresolution of the institutional re-equilibriurn opened the political opportunities for the conformation of a new political actor, the assemblies movement, the one that would becorne a central actor until the institutional re-accommodation with the April 2003 presidential election. Is our goal to study from its origin in all its complexity the novel characteristics that this movement will assume. For this, we will support our study in the ethnographic observation done on the cases of the Asamblea Vecinal de Palermo Viejo and the Asamblea Popular Cid Campeador, from January 2002 to February 2003 . These cases can be considered representatives of the two groups that will compose the movement, defining their identity, organizational structure, as well as the repertoires of collective action that we will analyze in this article.

By taking a historical perspective on the higher education and the housing sectors in Quebec, we demonstrate how the political cleavage around the national question has had long-term effects on the dynamic of contention in these two sectors. At a general level, the presence of this cleavage has favoured the adoption of institutional arrangements related to funding that have allowed the reproduction of social protest over time. Nevertheless, the institutional arrangements vary from one sector to another: in the case of higher education, Bill 32, adopted in 1983, facilitated the division of the student movement into two branches and, to some extent, its dynamism; in the case of housing, the AccèsLogis program and the contribution au secteur, implemented in 1997, ensured the selection of claims for social housing and favoured the grouping that leads this issue. In both cases, the national question is at the heart of the process that led to the adoption of these policies.

На основе социально-экономической статистики, результатов социологических опросов и анализа трудового законодательства показано, что классическая забастовка как форма борьбы за отстаивание прав работников практически не осуществима в условиях бюрократизированности примирительных процедур в современной России. Более перспективными стали альтернативные формы действий – в частности итальянские забастовки. В статье изложен опыт включенного наблюдения автором итальянской забастовки на Молочном комбинате «Касымовский» (Татарстан) в 2017 г. Забастовка в форме «работы строго по правилам» выпадает из поля зрения современных правовых норм, что неудобно и работодателям, поскольку мешает выстраиванию конструктивного диалога между собственниками бизнеса и наемным трудом.

RESUMEN Colombia es un país con variadas expresiones de protesta social a lo largo de su historia. Una muy reciente fue el Paro Cívico ocurrido entre el 16 de mayo y el 6 de junio de 2017 en Buenaventura (Colombia). Este artículo analiza las particularidades de este Paro, entendiéndolo como un momento de inflexión para el territorio y las comunidades por la coyuntura crítica en la que aconteció, el modelo de negociación y los escenarios de diálogo que propició, el movimiento ciudadano que lo apalancó, así como por la transformación del poder político local que pudo haber impulsado, cuya primera evidencia son los resultados de la contienda electoral de octubre de 2019. Estas reflexiones derivan de la revisión y análisis de fuentes documentales y de campo que hacen parte de dos proyectos de investigación, uno en ejecución (2019-2021) y otro finalizado (2016-2019). ABSTRACT Colombia is a country with multiple expressions of social protest across its history. A recent one was the civic strike that occurred between May 16th and June 6th of 2017 in Buenaventura (Colombian Pacific). This article analyzes the particularities of the Paro, understanding it as a moment of inflection in the middle of a critical situation the territory and their inhabitants were going through. Likewise, the strike was fundamental for the negotiation model and the dialogue scenarios it fostered, as well as for the civic movement that leveraged it. Alongside the transformation of the local political power. The combination of these events had positive electoral results, in October 2019, for those who promoted the protest from the beginning. This article is a product of the revision and analysis of documental and fieldwork sources within the framework of two research projects: one in execution (2019-2021) and another one finished (2016-2019).

This article presents an overview of the Istanbul park forums that emerged in parallel with the Gezi events - social protest movements that took place in summer 2013. Despite the criticism that Gezi events were short-lived, impulsive, and ineffectual I argue that they have a long-lasting influence on democratic consciousness and new forms of political action. Istanbul park forums, the street and urban squares have become an important link between those who wish to transform the qualities of both democracy and the regime at large with efforts to create influence over local and national policy-making processes through engagement in political action. Drawing from the political theory of Hannah Arendt, this study assigns the capacities of 'deed and speech' to redefine 'politics'. Analyzing the politics of the park forum process through the lens and concepts of Arendt's political theory suggests an alternative way of evaluating the eventual dissolution of the Gezi events: rather than suffering from the inability to organize themselves within the conventional format of party politics, I show that the Gezi community deliberately created a new manner of engagement through political action, and thereby cast its influence as a historic landmark in the future of Turkish politics.

В статье ставится вопрос о том, насколько выводы марксистского учения применимы при анализе событий современной социальной жизни, в частности, протестного движения «желтые жилеты» во Франции. Сопоставляются предвыборные программы Э. Макрона и социалистической партии в ходе последних президентских выборов во Франции; раскрывается понимание труда как явления факультативного и избыточного в общественной жизни и другие сенсационные новации в программе французских социалистов. Победа на выборах президента Франции Э. Макрона осмысляется как победа имиджа над программой; современный французский протест сопоставляется с событиями мая 1968 г. и автономным ультралевым анархическим течением 2008 г. Марксистская формула прибавочной стоимости перерабатывается для постиндустриальной эпохи; намечаются новые моменты в осмыслении исторического опыта реализации на практике идей К. Маркса; обосновывается возможность новой «коммунистической утопии» на основе плановой экономики в условиях использования преимуществ алгоритмического общества.

This paper offers critical analytical tools to progress the development of a critical green southern criminology. Using Argentina as a case study, the article develops the notion of criminal selectivity to expose the biased functioning of the criminal justice system. The article explores how crime control is used to the detriment of Indigenous peoples, despite the fact that their protests do not produce significant social harm and are framed within constitutional rights. Conversely, the study exposes how the criminal justice system is not used to prosecute green harms perpetrated by corporations or the unlawful use of force against native peoples by law enforcement agencies, despite the harm of those behaviours on the environment and communities. The article exposes how the Argentinean criminal justice system targets the most vulnerable peoples while failing to provide environmental protections, and is an indicator of the bias within criminal justice systems in the Global South.

Signaling dissatisfaction with particular events, policies, or situations, modes of protest encompass individual expressions through to the development and mobilization of social movements. Indeed, protests can range from bodies blocking space and time to the aggregation of clicked signatures in an online petition and the sharing of campaign content through social media. All of these modes are currently employed within the Australian public sphere to bring about change or closure of the live export industry. This article analyzes the current dimensions and flows of public protest against Australia’s live export industry, examining how they are shaped not only by a myriad of organizations but also by differing modes of protest, as well as by the different modes of appeal in use by activists to mobilize the Australian public sphere in protest. Through this discussion, insight is gained into some of the capacities and efficacies of multimodal protest and its significance for both public engagement and political and industry uptake.

espanolResumen:Este articulo analiza la tension producida por el encuentro entre constitucionalismo y protesta social y como esta tension se manifiesta al problematizar la reciente doctrina del derecho a la protesta social. Los autores sostienen que existe una distancia irreductible entre estos fenomenos, pues dado que la protesta opera fuera del ambito de la normatividad, el Derecho parece insuficiente para procesar la protesta social como fenomeno socio-politico. Para ilustrar lo anterior, expondra la insuficiencia de la libertad de expresion como piedra angular de la protesta social y se examinaran las tensiones entre lo individual y colectivo que implican los actos de protesta social. EnglishAbstract:This paper analyses the tension produced by the encounter between constitutionalism and social protest, and how this tension appears upon problematizing the recent doctrine of social protest. Authors acknowledge an irreducible distance between these two phenomenons, due to the fact that social protest exists outside of the borders of legal normativity, hence, the legal system appears insufficient to process social protest as a socio-political phenomenon. In order to illustrate this main argument, it will expose the frailty of free speech clause as a cornerstone for social protest, as well as the tensions between both the individual and collective elements that constitute acts of social protest.

At a time, in the summer of 1941, when an unprecedented wave of social protest was threatening the very foundations of the Disney Empire and damaging it public image, Walt Disney was appointed an official « goodwill ambassador » by the Roosevelt Administration. His mission was to travel across Latin America and contribute to the political rapprochement between both Americas in order to obstruct the Nazis' propaganda machine. His mission's success was undisputable as it boosted the Pan-American agenda of the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) — the United States international indirect film propaganda programs — while it also reinforced Walt Disney's already significant cultural influence in Latin America.

El propósito de este artículo consiste en reflexionar sobre un aspecto, escasamente explorado, de las múltiples vinculaciones entre arte, estética y política. Precisamente, abordamos una dimensión de la estética de la política, a saber: las formas de aparición en el espacio público de los movimientos sociales, en este caso, del Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario, una organización social de la ciudad de Rosario (Argentina), durante el período 2004-2012. Analizamos diferentes componentes de dicha dimensión, a saber: a) la configuración de una dramaturgia piquetera, que entendemos como la utilización dramática de elementos emblemáticos de la gramática política piquetera; b) el proceso de carnavalización de la protesta, en otros términos, la constitución de una forma de aparecer festiva en el espacio público; y c) la esfera mística de su política, es decir, prácticas organizadas de tipo celebratorias de motivación y renovación de la fe y el compromiso político. Como hipótesis proponemos que en la composición y recreación de la dimensión estética de la política, en la fabulación de esas formas de aparecer en el espacio público se dirime buena parte de la configuración de la subjetividad colectiva de dicho movimiento social. En otras palabras, sostenemos que el proceso de subjetivación colectiva del Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario, implicó complejos procesos de subjetivación estética. The purpose of this article is to reflect on an aspect, scarcely explored, of the multiple links among art, aesthetics and politics. Particularly, we analyse one dimension of the aesthetics of politics, namely: the forms of appearance of social movements in the public space, in this case, the Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario, a social organization of the city of Rosario (Argentina), between 2004 and 2012. We analyze different components of this dimension, namely: a) the configuration of a piquetera dramaturgy which we understand as the dramatic use of emblematic elements of the piquetera political grammar; b) the carnivalization process of protest, in other words, the constitution of a festive form of appearing in the public space; and c) the mystical dimension of its politics, that is, organized celebratory practices of motivation and renewal of faith and political commitment. We propose the hypothesis that in the composition and recreation of the aesthetic dimension of politics, in the fabulation of these forms of appearing in the public space, a large part of the configuration of the collective subjectivity of this social movement is settled. In other words, we argue that complex processes of aesthetic subjectivity have been involved in the collective subjectivation of the Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario. Fil: Di Filippo, Marilé. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Rosario; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

This study investigates the representation of the Fridays for Future strikes in the German online newspapers Bild.de, Zeit Online and FAZ.net. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis over the time period August 2018 to March 2019, eight frames have been identified. Whereas Zeit Online shows a framing towards intergenerational justice, the coverage of FAZ.net and Bild.de strongly adheres to the protest paradigm. The majority of all articles guarantees protesters a voice, but this voice is often reduced to apolitical testimonies and the protesters’ self-agency is undermined through disparagement. German media coverage thus tends to reproduce existing power structures by marginalizing and depoliticizing the political agenda of a system critical protest. Although this framing feeds into the shift of the climate change discourse towards adaptation, the study shows that the idea of climate change as an issue of intergenerational justice and children’s rights has become part of the media’s agenda.

The study explores how Facebook was framed during the “tent protest” – the largest social protest in Israel’s history. Findings from of a content analysis of the local Israeli press indicate that Facebook was framed mainly as a political instrument assisting the protest, especially in the stages of recruitment, organization and dissemination of information to protesters. Alongside such positive framing, also evident, albeit less frequently, was negative framing that portrayed Facebook activities as incompatible with genuine political action, and portrayed the “Facebook generation” as lazy and spoiled.

The 2011 ‘Social Protest’ in Israel was motivated by discontent with the outcomes of neo-liberal economic policies. Moreover, during rallies protest leaders used explicit counter-neo-liberal ideas and discourse. Nonetheless, this article shows that Members of Knesset (the Israeli parliament) used neo-liberal ideas and discourse more following the protest than they had done before its outbreak. Relying on recent theoretical developments emphasizing the importance of ideas and discourse in social and political analysis, I account for Members of Knesset’s ideas and discourse through analyzing explanation clauses accompanying private member bills. The article concludes by suggesting that the protest may have turned neo-liberal ideas from a means used by economic experts to promote economic liberalization to a means used by politicians to demonstrate their democratic responsiveness to citizens’ economic demands.

The use of the corporeal female body in social protest has a long and complex history, particularly in anti-gender based violence movements. From early 20th Century suffragists in international coa...

En este avance de investigación se presenta la dimensión subjetiva de la acción colectiva entre individuos movilizados y los que no se involucran. Por la importancia de los espectadores como potencial “ejército de reserva” para engrosar la protesta, se decidió establecer una comparación exploratoria entre un grupo con antecedentes de movilización y otro sin involucramiento. El objetivo primordial consistía en extraer algunas hipótesis que ayudaran a problematizar en forma parcial el vínculo, poco estudiado en México, entre la percepción de la protesta social, su dimensionamiento moral y su importancia para convocar a la participación.

The fiscal crisis of 2008 led to severe recession and hardship in Ireland, yet there was relatively little civic unrest and public protest until the autumn of 2014 when, paradoxically, economic conditions had improved significantly. Sociologists often explain such patterns by invoking a social mechanism based on perceived ‘relative deprivation’ among a population sub-group. We show that these processes cannot explain the temporal pattern of protest in Ireland and argue instead that events should be understood through the interaction of two different processes: first, the development of an ‘incidental’ grievance which framed popular discontent about the ‘structural’ grievances brought about by the wider fiscal crisis and recession. Second, the early absence of, and later emergence of coordinated political opposition with effective ‘strategies of contention’. We use a mixed methods approach, drawing on seven waves of the European Social Survey combined with qualitative interviews.

Do social protests affect government housing-related decisions? If so, in what way? To answer this question this study examines the influence of Israel's 2011 social protest on the government's housing policy, using an empirical cumulative-aggregative analysis of housing-related decisions over the past two decades. The empirical analysis is based on two generic classifications of government interventions commonly used in housing literature: first, decisions aimed at increasing the housing stock (supply-side), as opposed to policies aimed at augmenting consumers' financial capacity to obtain adequate housing (demand-side); and second, decisions that encourage homeownership as opposed to those that promote rental housing. The research findings show that the 2011 social protest definitely affected Israel's housing policy, because it prompted the government to engage in housing. However, the interventions introduced focused largely on increasing the inventory of housing units (supply-side) for homeownership and benefited mainly members of the middle class who qualify for mortgages and investors. Thus, despite the increase in government involvement in the post-protest period, Israel's housing policy has remained neoliberal, though in an advanced form of neoliberalism that combines market-oriented policies with centralized tendencies, which we call “centralized neoliberalism.” The study discusses the findings and their implications for various population groups. Given the current global affordable-housing crisis, the findings are relevant to many countries whose existing neoliberal housing policy is failing to address housing-market problems and challenges.

The established models predicting collective action have been developed based on liberal ideas of injustice perceptions showing that progressive collective action occurs when people perceive that the equality or need rule of fairness are violated. We argue, however, that these perceptions of injustice cannot explain the occurrence of social protests among Conservatives. The present work addresses one shortcoming in collective action research by exploring the interactive role of political ideology and injustice appraisals in predicting social protest. Specifically, we focused on injustice appraisals as a key predictor of collective action and tested whether the same or different conceptualizations of injustice instigate protest among Liberals versus Conservatives using data from two studies conducted in Germany (Study 1, N = 130) and in the US (Study 2, N = 115). Our findings indicate that injustice appraisals play an equally important role in instigating social protest both among Liberals and Conservatives. As we show, however, predicting collective action among individuals across the political spectrum requires accounting for ideological preferences for different fairness rules. Whereas Liberals are more likely to engage in protest when the equality and need rules are violated, Conservatives are more likely to protest when the merit rule is violated. We recommend that studies on collective action consider not only the strength of injustice appraisals but also theircontent, to assess which fairness principles guide one’s perceptions of (in)justice.

The risk of cooptation – of being absorbed by powerful elites without gaining new advantages – is an important concern in studies of social movements and social change. Through cooptation, elites undermine movements by stripping them of their credibility as agents of change. This paper aims to explain why, despite its powerful rationale, cooptation does not occur more frequently. Building on political process theory and relational sociology, it demonstrates that cooptation appears rational only on the condition that cooperation is valued lower than political domination. But elite-movement interaction may result in mutually strategic relationships that are conditional on each side’s recognition of the other’s interest. Two empirical cases illustrate this possibility: the US Civil Rights Movement and Latin American participatory budgeting. In both cases, the actors involved chose a strategy of "mutually assured autonomy" over cooptation.

Este artículo estudia la historia reciente de rechazos a la infancia gitana en las escuelas estatales españolas en un momento de intentos de cambios sociales y políti­cos, tras siglos de sostenida exclusión educativa. Se analizan eventos sucedidos en un periodo de 35 años en el que se produjo una transformación en el tratamiento polí­tico y percepción social de la cuestión gitana. El texto se centra en la intensificación a partir de la década de 1980 tanto de la incorporación escolar de la infancia gitana como del subsecuente ciclo de protestas antigitanas. El artículo identifica, por un lado, los distintos factores que contribuyeron al aumento de la conflictividad étnica en las escuelas estatales y muestra, por otro lado, el creciente fracaso de las protestas antigitanas, al desencadenar una creciente contestación social en contra de la vulne­ración de derechos fundamentales de la infancia. This article studies the recent history of rejection of Gypsy children in Spanish state schools during a time of significant social and politics changes and after centu­ries of sustained educational exclusion. The analysis deals with events occurring in a thirty-five years period during which there was a transformation in the political treatment and social perception of the gypsy question. The article focuses on the increasing numbers of Gypsy children joining the school system from the 1980s onwards and the subsequent series of anti-Gypsy protests. The article identifies, on the one hand, the various factors that contributed to the increase in ethnic conflict in state schools; it shows, on the other, the increasing failure of anti-Gypsy protest, as it unleashed a social reaction against the violation of fundamental child rights.

espanolEl movimiento de los indignados espanol y la geracao a rasca portuguesa fueron dos expresiones del hastio e indignacion de la sociedad que en el ano 2011 encabezaron la protesta social ante los efectos de las politicas de austeridad que estaban implementando los gobiernos en ambos paises a consecuencia de la crisis economica. Sin embargo, a pesar de la similitud en cuanto al marco contextual y la metodologia empleada en las protestas, el movimiento espanol estaba dotado de una narrativa de caracter populista del que carecia el portugues.Las diferentes estrategias sindicales, alteraron el tradicional sistema de representacion de intereses que se daba en los dos paises, repercutiendo decisivamente en sus procesos politicos a partir de la gran recesion. El presente articulo aflora, mediante una investigacion comparada de casos mas semejantes, la soterrada relacion entre la mutacion del corporativismo social al neocorporativismo segmentado y el aumento de los discursos y reclamaciones populistas, y contribuye asi a poner de relieve nexos causales que han sido tradicionalmente desatendidos en la literatura sobre el populismo. EnglishThe Spanish indignant movement and the Portuguese geracao a rasca were two expressions of the weariness and indignation of society that, in 2011, led the social protest against the effects of the austerity policies being implemented by the governments of both countries as a result of the economic crisis. However, despite the similarity in terms of the contextual framework and methodology used in the protests, the Spanish movement was equipped with a populist narrative that the Portuguese movement lacked.The different union strategies altered the traditional system of representation of interests that existed in both countries, decisively affecting their political processes after the great recession. This article reveals the hidden relationship between the change from social corporatism to segmented neo-corporatism and the increase in populist demands and discourses. In so doing, it shows the importance of causal links that have been traditionally glossed over in the literature on populism.

People who rely on new information technologies to orchestrate protests face a common-knowledge constraint: the information on a proposed protest they release to potential participants can also be known by the government. This article examines the conditions under which protests mobilized through new information technologies become possible in China.

Although outsiders have played an important role in social protest in the U.S., outsiders’ role in the U.S. labor movement has been the focus of spirited debate. Debate about outsider organizers, in particular, reached a fevered pitch in the late 1990s, and continues today. This paper scrutinizes two of the core assumptions of this debate: that insider and outsider organizers operate differently on union recognition campaigns, and that workers respond to them differently in these settings. We analyzed 153 in-depth interviews with workers and organizers conducted at the height of the debate, in order to answer two questions: What is the role of outsider organizers during private sector union recognition campaigns, and how do outsider organizers secure workers’ consent in these settings? All of the organizers in our data-set were graduates of the AFL-CIO’s Organizing Institute, and 64 of them were outsiders. The outsider organizers in our data-set confronted barriers that insider organizers did not,...

El objetivo principal del artículo es mostrar algunas de las técnicas usadas por el Estado mexicano durante una protesta social, no sólo para controlar al grupo que realiza dicha acción colectiva, sino para establecer mecanismos de autocontrol y vigilancia hacia las distintas organizaciones y niveles del propio Estado. En este sentido, el trabajo analiza el papel central que tiene el conocimiento para la operación de los mecanismos de poder. Concretamente analizaremos el papel que desempeñó la Dirección Federal de Seguridad como una herramienta fundamental para la construcción y consolidación del moderno Estado mexicano. El trabajo analiza los informes de la Dirección Federal de Seguridad sobre la protesta social conocida como el Pacto Ribereño en Tabasco, México.

Durante el mes de mayo del año 2016, en la región de Los Lagos se vivió una aguda crisis ambiental y social tras el decreto de cierre de las operaciones pesqueras y acuícolas a raíz de una masiva floración de marea roja. La inusual magnitud del fenómeno ha sido asociada tanto a causas naturales –aumento de radiación y temperatura del agua-, como al aumento de material nitrogenado – en este caso, contaminación de la industria acuícola. Como respuesta a la restricción, se produjo una masiva movilización de pescadores y otros sectores de la ciudadanía, paralizando la zona durante dieciocho días para exigir desde compensaciones a las familias afectadas hasta transformaciones al modelo de desarrollo que domina en la zona. De esta forma, este movimiento, denominado “mayo chilote” por sus protagonistas, se convirtió en una de las más importantes movilizaciones en la historia de esta región, imponiendo el problema medioambiental en el debate público.Frente a este contexto, el presente artículo analiza la disputa por la definición social o encuadre (en adelante frame) de la crisis ambiental vinculada a la “marea roja” ocurrida en Chiloé en el año 2016. Postulamos que esta crisis emerge, en tanto que problema público, como consecuencia de la acción de diferentes actores sociales, construyendo un importante debate en términos de opinión pública. Por un aparte, tratamos el rol de los medios de mayor circulación, definidos como medios de élite o quality press según Mellado y Lagos (2014). En concreto se analiza la forma en que los medios asociados a las élites enmarcan y dan sentido a la crisis ambiental de Chiloé en el año 2016. Por otra, se analiza la manera en que un movimiento social emerge y encuadra dicha crisis ambiental, abordadando formas menos convencionales de distribución de la información, las que operan a nivel local y a través de medios fuera de la influencia de los medios tradicionales o mainstream. En este sentido, la definición y comunicación en torno a esta crisis ambiental puede ser comprendido en términos de una contienda política (Tilly & Tarrow, 2015), la que implica una movilización ciudadana que entra en conflicto con los intereses de las élites, presentando un repertorio de expresión que busca conectar con la opinión pública local y nacional (Tarrow, 2011; Tilly & Wood, 2015). El método empleado es un análisis de framing cualitativo, el cual se ha organizado en dos sub-análisis que se articulan utilizando la lógica de muestreo y análisis de la Teoría Fundamentada (Strauss y Corbin, 2000; Charmaz, 2014). El primero es una análisis de framing discursivo de los medios de comunicación de élite, siguiendo la línea desarrollada por autores como Cabalín (2015), inspirado en el análisis de discurso de Fairclough (2013). En el segundo sub análisis los materiales son más heterogéneos, logrando la integración de 16 entrevistas, notas de campo durante y después de las movilizaciones de mayo, fotografías y una muestra de medios alternativos y comunitarios, locales y nacionales.Como resultado se obtiene que los medios de élite produjeron dos frames dominantes. El primero de ellos -el de mayor presencia- es el frame que indica “causas naturales” de la crisis de la marea roja. Este frame excluye la acción y responsabilidad de la industria salmonera -y de cualquier influencia humana- como el factor gatillante de esta crisis ambiental. En efecto, el mensaje de mayor saliencia de estos medios, aspecto fundamental en el modelo de framing, indica que la marea roja es un fenómeno natural que no guarda relación con la actividad productiva de la zona. El segundo framing de los medios de élite es la categoría de “seguridad pública”. Este frame destaca la alteración del orden público que producen las movilizaciones ciudadanas que surgen en mayo de 2016. Ambos frames se articulan para presentar la crisis de la marea roja como un problema social despolitizado, es decir, sin conflicto socioambiental, sino más bien una movilización específica centrada en el peticionismo de los pescadores de la zona para exigir ayudas del gobierno durante la paralización de sus actividades. En este punto, la formación de la opinión pública, y en términos más generales, la emergencia de un debate público en torno a la temática socio-ambiental ha mostrado con claridad una de las dificultades asociadas a la falta de pluralismo en los medios, ampliamente estudiada como problema en América Latina, lo que alcanza especial importancia en el contexto chileno actual (Mayorga, del Valle, Nitrihual, 2010).Por otra parte, a nivel de discurso ciudadano, el frame más presente desde el movimiento de pescadores es el de “conflicto socioambiental”. Se trata de un frame donde el agente no es solo el movimiento de trabajadores del mar, sino la sociedad chilota en su conjunto, al mismo tiempo que las causas de la crisis ambiental no son naturales, sino que la responsabilidad se sitúa en dos niveles. En primer lugar, en los productores de salmonicultura en connivencia con la autoridad pública (la cual autorizó la descarga de 9.000 toneladas de salmón en descomposición), mientras en un segundo nivel se encuentra el modelo de desarrollo extractivista en general, lo que en última instancia vincula el conflicto socioambiental con otras temáticas, como la salud, la conectividad vial, la educación, y otros aspectos fundamentales para la vida en esta zona del país. Se demuestra así, cómo los conflictos socioambientales -en esta zona del país- representan el punto de emergencia de conflictos que se reactivan y se articulan en torno a otras temáticas sociales como la salud y la educación (Cabello y Torres, 2015).Los resultados presentados concluyen que el problema público generado por la crisis es definido de al menos dos maneras distintas, resultando la contienda política reflejada en estas construcciones. Por una parte, la opinión pública observó en los medios tradicionales un discurso sobre las causas naturales de la crisis medioambiental, sin relación con el modelo desarrollado por la industria extractivista. Por otra parte, un segundo encuadre es definido por la movilización de los pescadores y ciudadanos chilotes, quienes indican una responsabilidad de la industria salmonera la crisis ambiental que vivió el Archipiélago de Chiloé durante el año 2016.

The public versus private nature of organizations influences their goals, processes, and employee values. However, existing studies have not analyzed whether and how the public nature of organizations shapes their responses to concrete social pressures. This article takes a first step toward addressing this gap by comparing the communication strategies of public organizations and businesses in response to large-scale social protests. Specifically, we conceptualize, theorize, and empirically analyze the communication strategies of 100 organizations in response to large-scale social protests that took place in Israel during 2011. We find that in response to these protests, public organizations tended to employ a “positive-visibility” strategy, whereas businesses were inclined to keep a “low public profile.” We associate these different communication strategies with the relatively benign consequences of large-scale social protests for public organizations compared with their high costs for businesses.

The aim of this study is to explore values, sense of coherence (SOC) as well as civic engagement, civic efficacy and hope among adolescents against the background of a social protest. We examined if a set of values and SOC explain civic engagement and civic efficacy. Furthermore, all of these variables were examined as explanatory factors of positive development examined by hope. Data were gathered among 400 adolescents aged 16–18 during a social protest. Adolescents filled out self-reported questionnaires which included socio-demographics characteristics; values, SOC, the youth social responsibility scale, civic efficacy and hope. Results show that all values and SOC explained civic engagement, while only universal and collective in-group values as well as civic engagement directly explained citizens’ efficacy. The model explained hope with 43 % of the variance. I discuss the direct and indirect relationship among the different variables and explain them in accord with positive development among youth.

During the 2008–2009 economic crisis, Russia's monotowns – one-industry towns left from the Soviet era – gained widespread attention as potential sources of social protest and unrest. Will such worries resurface under current economic conditions? While fears about monotowns were exaggerated during the last economic crisis, Russia's leadership has reason to remain concerned. Despite the dramatic transformations of the last two decades, Russia's post-Soviet industrial landscape has largely survived intact, leaving a significant number of monotowns with unprofitable enterprises in a precarious position. Yet given its emphasis on social stability, we can expect the government to continue subsidies, both explicit and hidden, that seek to maintain employment and avoid social conflict, but that preserve the country's inefficient industrial geography.

The Occupy Wall Street movement caught many analysts of social protest by surprise. Although there were isolated social protests against social inequality and disenfranchisement in many parts of the world, the Occupy movement as a global phenomenon was unprecedented. In this review essay, three recent books that focus on the social context that contributed to the Occupy Wall Street movement are discussed. The role of anarchism in imparting the distinctive characteristics of the movement is emphasized.

The goal of this reflection is to develop an explanation about how social actors who express their discontent in street protests have come to be considered enemies of the rule of law and social stability, thereby justifying the repressive measures that state authorities take against them. This dynamic traces its legitimacy to the existence of a social representation of crime that elicits thoughts of danger and fear for a variety of social groups. In the context of this reflection, we will analyze the social protest of 1 December 2012 that took place in Mexico City on the occasion of the presidential inauguration of Enrique Peña Nieto.

A key debate in the new literature on authoritarianism concerns the role of institutions in general and legislatures in particular. While much of the literature accepts that authoritarian legislatures matter, there is little agreement as to why and how. In this article, we argue that a key function of authoritarian legislatures is to help leaders reduce social protest. In contrast to existing literature, which stresses the representative function of authoritarian legislatures, we argue that legislatures reduce social protest by providing rent-seeking opportunities to key opposition elites who, in return for access to these spoils, demobilize their supporters. We test this argument using original data on the distribution of leadership positions in 83 Russian regional legislatures and two new datasets on opposition protest in Russia. Our findings suggest that legislative cooptation may extend the lifespan of authoritarian regimes by helping to reduce antiregime protest.

The social protest that engulfed Italy in the 1970s found a theoretical analysis in the work of the operaisti. Through a series of concepts, they outlined a new revolutionary practice that aimed to return to a more authentic reading of Marxism. This article focuses on the notion of 'refusal of work' and the ancillary concept of 'appropriation' and examines how these theoretical tools emerged out of radical protest in factories and were put forward by the operaisti as a central plank of a revolutionary strategy for the working class. Resumo Os protestos sociais que tomaram conta da Itália na década de 1970 ganharam fundamentação teórica no trabalho dos obreiristas. Estes, com base numa série de noções, delinearam uma prática revolucionária nova, encarada como retorno a uma interpretação mais autêntica do marxismo. O presente artigo trata da noção de "recusa do trabalho" e do conceito associado de "apropriação", examinando de que modo estas ferramentas teóricas se modelaram nos protestos radicais nas fábricas e foram apresentadas pelos obreiristas como plataforma central de uma estratégia revolucionária para a classe trabalhadora. Resumen Las protestas sociales que dominaron Italia en la década de 1970 obtuvieron fundamentación teórica en el trabajo de los obreristas. Con base en una serie de nociones, delinearon una práctica revolucionaria nueva, considerada como el regreso a una interpretación más auténtica del marxismo. El presente artículo trata de la noción de "rechazo al trabajo" y del concepto asociado de "apropiación", examinando de qué modo estas herramientas teóricas se moldaron en las protestas radicales en las fábricas y fueron presentadas por obreristas como plataforma central de una estrategia revolucionaria para la clase obrera.

Resumen: Si bien durante el período del cine mudo argentino no existió una producción cinematográfica propia del anarquismo, la problemática “ácrata” fue abordada por una serie de películas nacionales de la época. Este ciclo se inicia con las “actualidades” documentales que dieron cuenta de la Semana Roja de mayo de 1909 y de las exequias del responsable de la represión, el coronel Falcón, ajusticiado por un militante anarquista. A pesar de que la cinematografía nacional alcanzó entre 1915 y 1916 un desarrollo inusitado, habrá que esperar hasta 1919 para que se exhiban nuevamente películas que traten la problemática anarquista y del movimiento obrero, ahora desde la ficción. Efectivamente, entre 1919 y 1922, el anarquismo aparece representado, salvo excepciones, desde una óptica adversa en varios films que surgen al calor de la gran cantidad de conflictos obreros que se suceden durante estos años. A través de una minuciosa búsqueda en periódicos y revistas de la época, esta investigación recupera las reseñas y publicidades de estos films lamentablemente perdidos. De esta forma, este artículo no solo permite conocer los argumentos de estos films, quienes lo dirigieron y financiaron, sino principalmente vislumbrar a través de ellos como se fue construyendo la representación del conflicto social y del anarquismo en la etapa inicial de nuestro cine. Abstract: During the period of silent Argentine cinema, the anarchism mouvement did not have cinematographic production. Althought the anarchist social protest was approached by a series of national films of the time. The documentary films called "actualities" gave account of the "Semana Roja" of January of 1909 and of the funeral of the person in charge of the repression, the colonel Falcón, executed by an anarchist militant. Although the national cinematography reached between 1915 and 1916 an unusual development, it was in 1919 when some films started to deal with the anarchism and labor movement, now from the fiction. Indeed, between 1919 and 1922, anarchism was represented in several films from an adverse perspective in the heat of the great amount of labor conflicts that occurred during these years. Through a thorough search in newspapers and magazines of the time, this research retrieves the reviews and publicity of these sadly lost films. In this way, this article allows to know the arguments of these films and who made them. But mainly this article tries to glimpse how the representation of social conflict and anarchism was built in the initial stage of our cinema.

Südafrika gehört zu den Ländern mit dem weltweit höchsten Grad an Ungleichheit. Soziale Gegensätze provozieren massive soziale Proteste, deren Anzahl ebenfalls zu den höchsten weltweit gehört. Protestaktionen können in vielen Fällen bestimmten sozialen Schichten zugeordnet werden und Angehörige der Mittelschichten nehmen häufig daran teil oder stehen sogar im Zentrum solcher Aktionen. Doch weder im Fall von Südafrika noch in anderen Fällen ist klar, wie die Sozialstruktur – und insbesondere die Situation der Mittelschichten – mit Protesten und politischen Zielen zusammenhängt bzw. auf sie zurückgeführt werden kann. Vor diesem Hintergrund debattierten die Teilnehmer einer Konferenz zu Mittelschichten und Protest am Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (STIAS) vom 17. bis 21. März 2017, welche Verbindungen sich zwischen Mittelschichten und sozialen Protesten in afrikanischen Staaten und anderen Ländern des sogenannten Globalen Südens ausmachen lassen., South Africa is one of the world’s most unequal societies. Social disparities provoke massive social protests, considered to be among the most frequent worldwide. Some of these are class-based, and members of the middle class are often perceived as part or even at the core of such initiatives. However, neither in South Africa nor in other cases is it clear how stratification – and middle-class positions in particular – relate to and translate into protest and political goals for social change. Against this backdrop, a conference on middle classes and protest, which took place from 17 to 21 March 2017 at the Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (STIAS), explored and discussed how middle classes and social protest are linked in African settings and other contexts of the so-called global South.

This article considers social control mechanisms that targeted public protest at a particular summit, the Brisbane G20, first by examining the management of previous gatherings (Miami and Toronto), and then by looking at the more specific, nuanced techniques deployed in Brisbane in 2014. Despite its violence, the Toronto G20 added a few legal and policing innovations, including designated free speech zones, controlled areas of movement, and, albeit unsuccessfully, the extensive use of public relations. The lessons of Toronto were directly incorporated into the security architecture of Brisbane's policing and social control effort. Brisbane witnessed one of the more successful efforts at limiting and arguably shutting down social protest in its entirety. Protest narratives were fastidiously managed and shaped by the Queensland Police Service and affiliated agencies. As a response, alternative protest techniques, including counter-summits, were ostensibly fashioned to circumvent such a restrictive security architecture, but were marginalized in doing so.

Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos’ immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level.

This article critically examines two key assumptions of the research on social protest. First, it explores the validity of the typologies of regime type that guide the literature on social protest and the presupposition that democracies are reasonably responsive to popular demands, including to those made through public contestation. Since citizenship rights are not evenly distributed among all citizens in these countries, it is argued that this assumption is unwarranted. Second, the article challenges the presupposition that protestors are driven by one form of rationality, namely instrumental rationality. In contrast, following Weber, it is argued that participants in public contestation may be directed by different rationalities. Specifically, protestors may seek to do more than simply influence policy outcomes. These arguments are developed with reference to the case of Palestinian citizens of Israel who initiated various forms of social protest under military rule, which lasted from 1948 to 1966.

This article examines journalists’ narratives of the constellations of factors that shaped the coverage of the 2011–2012 social protest in Israel, and how journalists used the protest to negotiate their roles, practices, and values against the backdrop of their own professional and economic struggles. Based on in-depth interviews with reporters and editors who were involved in the coverage of the protest movement, this article analyzes journalists’ interpretations and negotiations of the various influences on their work during the two major waves of the protest. An analysis of patterns of collision and concurrence between individual, organizational, and professional domains of influence in journalists’ narratives shows that while the norm of objectivity remains a key site of tension in relation to other factors, considerations of newsworthiness are constructed as complementing and justifying all other types of influence. An examination of diachronic patterns suggests that journalists’ individual conditions and positions play a greater role in journalists’ narratives in the first stage of the protest, giving way to professional values and organizational economic considerations in later stages. Although these findings further complicate the protest paradigm, they also show a dominant pattern of “paradigm repair” at the level of both journalists’ professional ideology and protest coverage.

According to Henri Desroche (1961), one could write an entire history of religion as ‘the mother of social resignation’ or, with equal justification, as ‘the mother of social protest’. Desroche’s apt observation summarizes the topic of this essay, which deals with the oppositional and the culturally adapted communities and movements in the recent history of the Christian churches, focusing particularly on their relationship with social inequalities. Taking a perspective strongly influenced by Max Weber’s sociology of religion, it discusses the ‘religious ideas’ that have guided, and continue to guide, the actions of various Christian churches and groups in societies marked by social inequality. Theoretically, this essay argues that the social positioning of church groups and movements is heavily dependent on the cognitive content of religious beliefs. The contrasting cases it cites show the fruitfulness of such an analytical approach.