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Social work students have few guidelines to help them evaluate the implication of their posted information on Internet-based social networking sites (SNSs). There is a national trend among employer...

Since the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, women's representation in public offices has grown slowly, and women are still greatly underrepresented in most states and in the national government. Since 1975, the women's movement has provided impetus for the steady growth in the numbers of women in office. The number of women in Congress, 31, is the highest ever. Women constitute 18 percent of the state legislatures, 17 percent of state executives, 9 percent of county governing boards, and 14 percent of mayors and city councils. The proportion of women in America's Congress is about half the average for national legislative bodies throughout the world. Many theories have been developed to explain the under-representation of women in politics. Political culture, socialization, and role conflict have all had an impact on women's representation. Discrimination against women by political elites and voters has also existed. Finally, the political structure itself forms barriers to the election of women. Current trends, however, are favorable to the continued gradual increase in the number of women in public office.

Confucian societies have a well-deserved reputation for possessing patriarchal cultures which confine women to subordinate roles and almost entirely exclude them from the public sphere. In Taiwan, however, women have done quite well by international standards in winning legislative elections. This paper applies "countersocialization" theory to explain women's growing role in Taiwan's electoral politics. It finds that the careers of women politicians in Taiwan are strongly conditioned by their exposure to countersocialization, primarily in terms of their adult family environments. These findings are quite consistent with the arguments based on socialization theory that women's entrance into public life depends upon an individual psychological reorientation in which "political women" reject traditional cultural norms that limit them to subservient and privatized roles. Such a reorientation can be stimulated by a variety offactors to which an individual woman might be exposed-a mother's role model proving that women can have broader horizons, social and generational change legitimating more active roles, and (most importantly in our data) an adult family and spouse encouraging and supporting her "empowerment" in public affairs.

This paper examines three alternative explanations for the relationship between gender and participation that focus upon: (1) childhood socialization, (2) adult role socialization and (3) structural factors of socioeconomic status. The data analysis of the Verba-Nie study of political participation in America finds some support for all three models, suggesting that the linkages between gender and participation are influences by a complex set of factors. Evidently, the adult role socializaiton and structural perspectives provide a more sophisticated elaboration of childhood socialization theory by specifying conditions that modify the strength of socialization into traditional female roles.

Les niveaux respectifs de participation politique chez les hommes et les femmes de Yougoslavie sont examines a partir d'hypotheses tenant compte de l'impact des differenciations culturelles et sociales