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Recent major political developments, including Brexit and the US presidential elections, have been strongly associated with public concerns around levels of immigration. Much of this has centred on the role of migrants in the low-skilled sectors of the economy and concerns that they have displaced members of local communities from jobs and depressed wage levels. This is despite compelling evidence that immigrants rarely take jobs from native workers in OECD countries (Constant, 2014) and that in the long run, the wage and employment effects of immigration in the 1990s and in the 2000s were small and always positive for less educated workers of all OECD countries (Docquieret al., 2014). Recent UK specific studies have found that the impact on wages is considered to be relatively small (Dustmannet al., 2013; Nickell and Salaheen, 2015). Notwithstanding this evidence, hostility to migrants and migration more generally has become increasingly overt, as reflected in a substantial rise in ‘race’ hate crimes before and following the referendum on the UK's membership of the EU in 2016 (Burnett, 2017).

Extensive research in a number of disciplines, including economics, social policy, sociology, geography and management have been undertaken relating to migrant participation in the labour market. Given the highly topical nature of migrant employment in Western Europe and the US, the aim of this brief review is to draw together some of the more recent attempts to theorise on the presence of migrants in the labour market, discuss some of the recurrent themes that have emerged from empirical research in this area, consider some of the main implications for policy-making in what now seems likely to be known as the post-Brexit era and outline areas for future research. In doing so, the intention is to contribute to further inter-disciplinary theory-building and to a more nuanced understanding of the complexity of this highly politicised area and the implications of migrant employment for policy and future research.

Purpose The 2015 Modern Slavery Act focusses attention forms of modern slavery (human trafficking and forced labour), within the UK. The contemporaneous 2014 Care Act, identifies modern slavery as a new form of risk within adult social care, listing forms of abuse and vulnerability. However, it does not consider whether those providing care may themselves be vulnerable to forms of modern slavery. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach The authors describe the history of the development of modern slavery legislation in the UK, outline key provisions of the Care Act, illustrated with real-life cases. The analysis suggests that adult social care – characterised by informality, fragmentation and vulnerability – is one where instances of modern slavery may be more common than considered to date. Findings The data collected, though relatively modest, suggests that a thorough investigation should be undertaken into the possibility of modern slavery taking place within the realm of adult social care. Research limitations/implications Data have been collected through a snowball process, rolling out a survey to relevant groups of individual and organisations. A more rigorous investigation is required to examine the extent of modern slavery within adult social care. Practical implications The training of those responsible for the regulation/management of adult social care needs to ensure that they are fully equipped to understand the nature of modern slavery and how to identify its symptoms and victims. Social implications There is also a need for heightened awareness of those close to people being cared for that they may also identify the symptoms of modern slavery. Originality/value This area has not been explored to date.

The concept and policy of ‘multiculturalism’ are under continuing attack. A broad policy language has replaced ‘race’ and ethnicity agendas. We demonstrate how ‘community cohesion’ and ‘equalities’ became dominant concepts in managing cultural relations in England. Local authority and community perspectives in one northern city reveal good local practice being undermined by national discourses stigmatising British Muslims, creating barriers to integration, resulting in a dual, conflicting process. While community cohesion de-emphasises ‘race’, ethnic and religious differences are highlighted in security and immigration discourses.

This article surveys recent developments in relation to the dimensions of ethnicity and ethnicdisadvantage in social policy research and practice, with a focus on social care. While therehas been limited increase in attention to ethnicity within general policy discussion andincreasing sophistication within specialist debates, advances in theory and methodology havelargely failed to penetrate the research mainstream, let alone policy or practice. This is along-standing problem. We advocate more focussed consideration of ethnicity and ethnicdisadvantage at all levels. Failure to do so creates the risk of social policy research being leftbehind in understanding rapid changes in ethnic minority demographics and patterns of migration, with increasing disadvantage to minorities.

Social justice is a contested concept. For example, some on the left argue for equality of outcomes, those on the right for equality of opportunities, and there are differing emphases on the roles of state, market and individual in achieving a socially just society. These differences in emphasis are critical when it comes to examining the impact that public policy has on minority ethnic groups. Social justice should not be culture-blind any more than it can be gender-blind yet the overwhelming burden of evidence from the UK shows that public policy, despite the political rhetoric of fifty years of governments since large-scale immigration started, has failed to deliver social justice to Britain’s minorities. In terms of outcomes, in respect for and recognition of diversity and difference, in their treatment, and in the failure of governments to offer an effective voice to minorities, the latter continue to be marginalised in British social, economic and political life. This is not an argument for abandoning the project of multiculturalism, however, but for ensuring that it is framed within the values of social justice.

The growing emphasis on partnership is opening up new opportunities for voluntary and community organizations, many of which have felt themselves hitherto to be “outsiders” in the policy process. But it is also generating new dilemmas as they strive to maintain their autonomy while increasingly operating as insiders. This article examines the strategic choices that such organizations make in seeking to influence policy and the challenges that they face. It rejects the simple categorizations made between “insiders” and “outsiders” in the policy process, arguing that strategic choices are more complex and dynamic than this, with insider strategies dependent on outsider strategies and vice versa, and many organizations operating from both arenas.

This article reports the key findings of the qualitative element of a study, undertaken by the Universities of Hull and York, which explored the impact of additional benefit income, particularly of Attendance Allowance (AA) and Minimum Income Guarantee (MIG), for older people. The study was part of a wide-ranging examination of the issue of pensioner poverty undertaken by the National Audit Office (NAO, 2002) and a full report of the findings of the study is also available (Craig et al, 2003). It was based on three elements: a literature review, secondary data analysis and a qualitative study.

Report Back provides news, views and reports from local government and the voluntary and community sectors. These reports are related, whenever possible, to the special theme of each issue of Benefits, but the most important consideration is their topicality and relevance to as wide an audience in these fields as possible. Benefits may commission pieces for particular themes but individual contributions are welcomed from those working in these areas and should be sent to the Editorial Office. These contributions might focus on either local government or the voluntary and community sectors, or on relationships between the two.

This article provides a commentary on growing awareness of human trafficking to and within the United Kingdom and government responses to it.

The origins, objectives and process of Scottish local government reorganisation have been widely discussed (Midwinter 1993; Lang 1994; Black 1995; Boyne et al 1995; Fairley 1995). The Scottish reform process (directed by the Secretary of State) and its outcomes (comprehensive unitary coverage) were far closer to those in Wales than in England, reorganisation in the latter (concluded in April 1998) being shaped by the work of an armslength Local Government Commission, and leading to a 'patchwork quilt' of English authorities of widely differing sizes and functions. However, reform in all three nations, to summarise the views of commentators, was characterised (to differing degrees) by policy confusion, shifts in emphasis, political horse-trading, local government division and, latterly, central government attempts at damage limitation (Craig and Manthorpe 1996).

English British local government is undergoing the most far-reaching reorganisation for 25 years. Government’s explicit objectives for change emphasised more local, cheaper, local government, although there were also implicit political objectives. Social services now represents the major directly-controlled local government activity; however, it was marginal in debates about reform. The impact of reform, particularly in terms of the size of the new unitary or ‘hybrid’ local authorities, may, however, be substantial. Research into the impact of reorganisation on authorities in England, Scotland and Wales raises questions about the extent to which new, smaller social services departments are sustainable.

Local government re‐organisation was promoted on the twin premises that it would reduce costs and promote local identity. The current round of re‐organisation, leading to the creation of 46 English unitary authorities, has thrown up other policy objectives, such as the potential for increased interdepartmental and agency co‐operation. This Case Study reports on the background to the re‐organisation and locates arguments specific to social services among the claims for the benefits of local government change. Using preliminary data from research in authorities currently undergoing re‐organisation, it identifies finance as a key concern and the impact financial pressure appears to behaving on community care delivery and strategy. It then focuses on the uncertainty and stress for staff and instability of relationships. Finally, it draws attention to changes in philosophy that might be thrown into relief by the new structures and ways of working. The Case Study concludes that the initial impact of re‐organisation is stressful at many levels and that it will be important to gauge long‐term effects.

The 1991 Child Support Act is one of the most controversial pieces of recent legislation. This paper traces the origins and objectives of the legislation and describes the first three years of its implementation by the Child Support Agency. As well as documenting official monitoring of the Agency‘s performance, the paper draws on a longitudinal study of lone mothers undertaken between March 1993 and March 1995. It will be argued that, in implementing the Act, the drive to reduce social security expenditure on lone parents became a paramount objective. This has deeply compromised the legislation’s other objectives and undermined popular support for the Act itself. It is now far from certain whether the legislative and administrative changes introduced since the Act came into effect can satisfy its many critics.

One of the explicit aims of the 1991 Child Support Act is to ensure that parents honour their financial obligations towards their natural children to a greater extent than they have hitherto. An equally important underlying objective is that of reducing the costs to the state of supporting lone parents. This paper examines the extent to which these two objectives are compatible within the framework of the Child Support Act through an examination of the impact of the Act's implementation on lone mothers and their children. It presents some of the key findings of a study of lone mothers on means-tested benefits, interviewed almost one year after the implementation of the Act. The paper concludes that the Act is failing to meet its stated aim of increasing the extent to which parents honour their financial obligations to children, because of an excessively narrow conception of the ways in which financial obligations are met combined with too strong an emphasis on maximizing savings in state expenditure on lone parents. The implementation of the Child Support Act, far from enhancing the welfare of children in lone parent families, has brought with it considerable financial and emotional costs for children and their mothers.

This paper briefly reviews the deteriorating position of the poor in the UK in recent years; summarizes the range of action and research initiatives that has developed to address the problem of poverty; and suggests an agenda of principles to inform further action and research.

British local government has recently undergone its most far-reaching reorganization for twenty-five years. The impact of this reorganization was considerable within local authorities but it also substantially affected other organizations with which they worked at a local level. This paper explores the perspectives of voluntary sector organizations involved in social care: a set of actors which, prior to reorganization, had been encouraged by central and local government, through notions of partnership and through community care legislation, to undertake more direct roles in service delivery, consultation and strategic planning. During the consultative period prior to reorganization, many voluntary organizations reported that they had been marginal to the process. Reflecting on the process of reorganization itself, many voluntary organization respondents commented that it had been disruptive and provoked considerable anxiety. Post-reorganization, voluntary organizations felt that rebuilding of relationships was necessary and that the promise of partnership had meant little in practice at a time of potential crisis for local.