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This article seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion on values in co-design processes, by introducing concepts from the emerging field of valuation studies. Using the work of David Stark and Ignacio Farias as an entry point to this perspective, it shows how co-design can be understood as a collective process of finding negotiated settlements among conflicting accounts of value, through practices of coordination. This idea is illustrated by a case in which co-design is mobilised as a tool for developing and governing ‘active frontages’ in a regenerating district in Gothenburg, Sweden. The article shows how the valuation studies perspective relates to, and in part differs from, other approaches to collaborative and participatory design. While sharing some of the intuitions of both agonism- and actor-network theory-informed approaches, its front-staging of practices and principles of valuation does nevertheless provide an alternative perspective on co-design. The valuation approach depicts co-design processes as a negotiation-based search for settlements, which suspends rather than solves value conflicts. Thus, co-design may be construed as a form of diplomacy, which operates within certain political limits of designerly peacemaking.

O Círculo de Diálogo é um dos modelos da metodologia dos Círculos de Construção de Paz que, nos últimos anos no Ceará, passou a agregar o rol das estratégias pedagógicas em escolas da rede pública como forma de facilitar o diálogo colaborativo sobre temas afins. Percebe-se que, com um grupo de professores, o Círculo reverbera diversas emoções, desde acanhamento a receio em socializar o que estão sentindo. Desta forma, indaga-se: como os professores se manifestam emocionalmente nos Círculos de diálogo? Esta pergunta emergiu no Curso de Facilitadores em Círculos de Construção de Paz para professores da Rede Pública Estadual de Fortaleza/CE, ofertado pela Secretaria da Educação do Estado do Ceará – SEDUC. Este artigo tem o objetivo de entender como estes professores se sentem nos Círculos de diálogo sob a perspectiva das emoções experienciadas. Significa problematizar as emoções como aspecto autêntico e intrínseco da formação de professores no campo do diálogo dos conflitos. Para este intuito, opta-se pela abordagem qualitativa, com a observação participante e a reflexão dos dados a partir do que se considerou. Os sujeitos são professores de algumas escolas estaduais, localizadas na cidade de Fortaleza, do estado do Ceará. O artigo centra-se em um curso para docentes sobre os Círculos de diálogo como tema e metodologia presentes. A perspectiva não é trazer resultados conclusivos, mas, ao apresentar uma experiência de formação de professores em resolução de conflitos escolares, provocar discussões que perpassam pela compreensão da existência das emoções e dos sentimentos.

Scholars have pinpointed that women's underrepresentation in peacemaking results in gendered outcomes that do not address women's needs and interests. Despite recent increased representation at the negotiating table, women still have a limited influence on peacemaking outcomes. We propose that differences in female and male speeches reflected in the gendered patterns in discourse during peacemaking explain how women's influence is curtailed. We examine women's speaking behavior in transitional justice debates in the post-conflict Balkans. Applying multimethod quantitative text analysis to over half a million words in multiple languages, we analyze structural and thematic speech patterns. We find that men's domination of turn-taking and the absence of topics reflecting women's needs and interests lead to a gendered outcome. The sequences of men talking after men are longer than those of women talking after women, which restricts women's deliberative space and opportunities to develop and sustain arguments that reflect their concerns. We find no evidence that women's limited influence is driven by lower deliberative quality of their speeches. This study of gendered dynamics at the microlevel of discourse identifies a novel dimension of male domination during peacemaking.

In a broader context, the main focus of this paper is the question of wom-en%s religious peacebuilding, which is understood in its widest sense, in terms of women%s active participation in building liberating theologies and societies. It is about the promotion of the full humanity of women. While elaborating this theme, the paper takes up Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite%s assertion that the %violence against women is the largest and longest global war.% Just peacemak-ing is very much an interfaith and interreligious work and should be placed as a crucial starting point of the urge for transformation of %violent% theologies and living everyday praxis. While women have been marginalised from peacebuild-ing generally, the emerging field of religious peacebuilding has been particularly challenging for women. The liberating theme of this paper is illumination of the ambivalence of invisibility and marginality of women in religious peacebuilding, good practices and future issues. V širšem kontekstu je glavni poudarek prispevka vprašanje ženske (religijske) izgradnje miru, ki je razumljeno v najširšem pomenu, v smislu aktivnega sodelo-vanja žensk pri izgradnji osvobajajočih teologij in družb. Gre za promocijo polne človečnosti žensk. Prispevek temelji na predpostavki Susan Brooks Thistlethwaite, da je %nasilje nad ženskami največja in najdaljša svetovna vojna%. Pri izgradnji miru pomembno mesto zavzema medreligijski dialog. Le-ta bi moral postati ključno iz-hodišče za preobrazbo nasilnih teologij in vsakdanji praks. Medtem, ko so (bile) ženske pri izgradnji miru marginalizirane, je nastajajoče področje religijske izgra-dnje miru še posebej zahtevno in hkrati velik izziv in vir moči za ženske. Osvoba-jajoče vprašanje tega prispevka je osvetlitev ambivalentnosti nevidnosti in margi-nalnosti žensk pri religijski izgradnji miru, dobre prakse in (prihodnja) vprašanja.

It is becoming evident that failure to reconcile African Christians and Muslims is partly due to the misinterpretation of the African epistemology of peace. This work argues that Christian-Muslim peacemaking must be conceived apart from the Western epistemology (thinking pattern) whereby conferences, lectures, chart signing, religious fora, and systematic military strategies are common practices (Pezard and Shurkin, 2015). For Africans, peacemaking involves creating a space where members of a community connect with each other at a deeper level. This paper explores the process of reconciling African Christians and Muslims, not exclusively from a diplomatic tact and religious slant, but from intrinsic cultural constituents like the African ubuntu (Murithi, 2006), Fulbe’s pulaaku (Mogensen, 2000), and the Ethiopian medemer (Esler, 2019) which are entrenched in the notion of kinship. A Fulbe proverb constitutes a tool for illustrating kinship and peace.

Community justice initiatives are now common in Canada, both for young offenders and in adult criminal cases; there are only a few examples of alternative methods for dealing with justice issues in the area of mandated child welfare services. The initiative outlined in this paper represents one of the most comprehensive family justice initiatives in First Nations Child and Family Services in Canada. Meenoostahtan Minisiwin: First Nations Family Justice offers a new way of addressing conflict in child and family matters, outside of the regular Child and Family Services (CFS) and court systems. It incorporates the traditional peacemaking role that has existed for centuries in Northern Manitoba Cree communities, alongside contemporary family mediation. The program brings together family, extended family, community members, Elders, social workers and community service providers in the resolution of child protection concerns through the use of properly trained Okweskimowewak (family mediators). The Okweskimowewak’s role involves assisting participants to articulate their personal ‘truth’ (dabwe) and to hear and respect the dabwe of others; to create a safe and nurturing context by addressing inherent power imbalances; to explore the root causes of family conflict in order to address the long term best interests of children; and to facilitate innovative and collaborative planning outcomes for families. The program was developed by the Awasis Agency of Northern Manitoba, a mandated First Nations Child and Family Services agency, although it receives its services mandate from the Manitoba Keewatinowi Okimakanak (MKO) Exectuive. It is jointly funded by the Aboriginal Justice Strategy of Justice Canada and the Manitoba Department of Family Services and Housing. Overall direction for the program is provided by the First Nations Family Justice Committee, a sub-committee of the MKO Exectuive Director of Awasis Agency, and representative chiefs of the MKO region. The program currently employs a Program Coordinator, two full time regional Okweskimowewak, two full time community-based Okweskimowewak and an administrative assistant. Since its inception in 1999, the program has received referrals involving more than seven hundred families, including well over 1900 children and 1500 volunteer participants. Services have been provided in seventeen First Nation communities in Northern Manitoba as well as in Thompson, Winnipeg, The Pas, and Gillam. The Meenoostahtan Minisiwin program responds to all aspects of mandated child welfare, as well as other situations where the best interests of children are in jeopardy. These have included mediating care placement arrangements; child-parent conflicts; family-agency or family-agency-system conflicts; assisting in the development of service plans in neglect and abuse cases; advocating on behalf of families attempting to access services; family violence; larger community-wide conflicts; and working to address systemic problems which impact the lives of First Nations children and families. We believe that by establishing processes which focus on restoring balance and harmony within families and communities, we are working towards an overall increase in the health and wellness of community members. And you who would understand justice, How shall you, unless you Look upon all deeds In the fullness of light? Only then shall you know that the erect And the fallen are but one man standing in The twilight between the Night of his pigmy-self And the day of his god-self. K. Gibran

The goal of ‘learning’ from peace processes is widely expressed in conflict resolution scholarship and practice but inadequately understood. This article investigates what kinds of knowledge can be learned from a peace process, the theoretical and methodological bases of such learning, and what impact it may have. The article begins with an interdisciplinary discussion of reasons to learn, the kinds of lessons proposed in the peace process literature and how theories of learning may be applied to a peace process. Following this is a case study of the sharing of the Northern Ireland peacemaking experience with other conflict-affected societies, especially through facilitated dialogues between decision-makers. This contributes to a comprehensive ideal model of learning from peace processes – something which, it is argued, may result in ‘transformative learning’ and a ‘policy paradigm shift’ towards de-escalatory conflict management. A definition of a peace process ‘lesson’ is offered to guide future research.

‘Inclusion’ has emerged as a prominent theme in peacemaking. However, its exact meaning remains vague, as do assumptions about the relationship between inclusion and peace. This article seeks to problematize the research, policy and practice of inclusion. Focusing on United Nations (UN) peacemaking, we ask how the object of inclusion has been framed, and based on what strategies and underlying rationales. We do so against the backdrop of emerging debates about an agonistic peace, which suggest that violent antagonistic relationships can be overcome if peace processes enable contestation between adversaries. This requires that peacemakers recognize the constitutive role of difference in political settlements. We identify three distinct strategies for inclusion, with corresponding framings of the included. Firstly, inclusion can be used to build a more legitimate peace; secondly, to empower and protect specific actor groups; and thirdly, to transform the sociopolitical structures that underlie conflict. The first strategy frames the included in open terms that can accommodate a heterogeneity of actors, the second in closed terms pertaining to specific identity traits, and the third in relational terms emerging within a specific social, cultural and political context. In practice, this leads to tensions in the operationalization of inclusion, which are evidence of an inchoate attempt to politicize peace processes. In response, we argue for an approach to relational inclusion that recognizes the power relations from which difference emerges; neither brushing over difference, nor essentializing single identity traits, but rather remaining flexible in navigating a larger web of relationships that require transformation.

I have many times now taught a course entitled “Religion and Violence” at Brite Divinity School and Texas Christian University. The Brite course is in-class; the TCU course is online with Master of Liberal Arts students. I will describe the difference between the two formats and also provide sample syllabi. The course has traditionally focused on the “why” question--“Why are human beings violent?”--rather than on ethical debates about pacifism vs. just war. Feedback from the online students often asked for another course focusing on peacemaking, now that the psychology of violence has become better understood. I therefore developed a new course called “Peacemaking in a Violent World,” which will also be described. I will make the argument that our culture as a whole would benefit from greater curricular attention to the psychology of violence, at all levels of education. I will also provide attendees with a bibliography for collection development in this area.

From Aristotle to the end of the Middle Ages, friendship was considered to be a core notion in Western political philosophy. However, as Von Heyking and Avramenko argue, friendship has lost its prominent politico-philosophical status in the modern era, particularly in the Western liberal tradition. In the Muslim tradition, and specifically in the history of Iranian thought, friendship as a moral paradigm went through a different course of development. In this article, I will present a comparative view of friendship as reflected in the works of Aristotle and three major Iranian ethicists: Ab? ?Al? A?mad Miskawayh (d. 1030), Ab??l-Q?sim ?usayn al-R?ghib al-Isfah?n? (d. ca. 1108) and Na?ir al-D?n ??s? (d. 1274). I will examine friendship-related perspectives rooted in the Irano-Islamic philosophical traditions that represent a significant but overlooked dimension of Iranian cosmopolitanism valuable for modern peacemaking approaches beyond such concepts as: “justice before peace,” “liberal peace” and “cold peace.”

Peacemaking is included as one of eight interrelated dimensions of positive sexuality, yet it is perhaps the least familiar aspect of positive sexuality to both professionals and lay people within modern Western society. Although a peacemaking process has been practiced by indigenous cultures for centuries, the contemporary U.S. political climate is now to a point, unfortunately, when ubiquitous war-making to address social issues is normalized and commonly assumed to be the only process for resolving such issues. In this article, we summarize key features of a peacemaking approach and suggest how peacemaking is related to, but also distinct from, other dimensions of positive sexuality. We emphasize the need to apply attributes of conscientious peacemaking to a range of contemporary sociosexual problems and issues, while addressing identity politics, sex education, and sexual crime, as specific examples.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo dar cuenta del análisis de las características de tres prácticas comunes de manejo de conflicto en dos escuelas primarias públicas mexicanas: el diálogo, la separación de actores y la suspensión, así como valorar sus implicaciones para la convivencia escolar respecto a la construcción de paz, la inclusión y la participación. En su componente metodológico, se presenta la investigación etnográfica de la que se deriva este artículo y el análisis temático y situacional desarrollado. Como marco teórico, se muestra una distinción entre aproximaciones restringidas y amplias de convivencia escolar, y se hace hincapié en los procesos de peacekeeping (mantener la paz), peacemaking (hacer la paz) y peacebuilding (construir la paz) en estas aproximaciones. El resultado central revela que la manera en que se desarrolla el diálogo, la separación y la suspensión da cuenta de una visión restringida de convivencia orientada a controlar los comportamientos inadecuados de los estudiantes, la cual es congruente con un manejo de los conflictos enfocados en el peacekeeping, que restringe la inclusión y la participación de los estudiantes y no conforma acciones sostenibles para transformar los conflictos que lleven a la construcción de paz.

The article offers the original classification of interreligious dialogue types based on four criteria as follows. 1. «Intention» (i.e. the motivation to come into contact with a representative of another religion); 2. «Goal» (i.e. tasks and aims headed towards by the participants in the dialogue); 3. «Principles» (i.e. the starting points, which determine the interaction); 4. «Form» (i.e. participants in the dialogue). Among those the most important criterium is that if intention, which identifies the types of «polemical», «peacemaking », «cognitive» and «partnership» dialogue. These types of dialogue are lined up respectively around the following questions: «Who is right?», «How can we live together peacefully?», «Who are you?» and «What can we do to improve the world?». In the article are analyzed the possibilities of applying the approach outlined as above. As an example is used the interreligious dialogue, which aims to reconciliate the arguing parties. Special attention is additionally paid to the “diplomatic” dialogue as conducted between between heads and official representatives of religious communities.

When thinking about crime, notions of deviance, delinquency, violence and moral turpitude most often come to mind. In somewhat more open-minded conceptions, crime may evoke critical questions of class and race, among other variables. In still more expansive spaces, crime may be evaluated through the lenses of exploitation of labor, maintenance of political power, and social control. From sociology to cinema studies, crime sometimes can be viewed in unvarnished dystopian terms—as the modality through which a society expresses the limits of its conscience and consciousness alike. Yet, in all of these critical interrogations, crime is rarely considered as a correlate of peace or an expression of justice. This article builds upon traditions in criminology that highlight the restorative, transformative, and peacemaking potentials inherent in constructions of crime and the processes used to address it, arguing for a proactive and constructive vision of peacebuilding that encompasses mechanisms for urgent implementation.

The article considers the original classification of four types of interreligious dialogue as follows: 1. Intention (the motivation to come into contact with a representative of another religion); 2. Goal (tasks and goals pursued by the participants in the dialogue); 3. Principles (the starting points, which determine the interaction); 4. Form (participants in the dialogue, meeting form). Among the most important criterion is intention, which identifies the types of polemical, peacemaking, cognitive and partnership dialogue. These types of dialogue are aligned respectively around the following questions: Who is right?, How can we live together peacefully?, Who are you? and What can we do to improve the world?. The place of theology in each type of interreligious dialogue is examined. In the context of religious pluralism, the spread of new religious movements, as well as a tendency towards convergence of religions, theology has not lost its importance as a tool to protect one’s faith and provided a reasoned justification of its benefits. In the framework of cognitive dialogue, the significance of theology is analyzed in such areas as theology of religions, the formation of attitudes towards followers of other religions, comparative theology, and spiritual dialogue. One of the main strategies for peacemaking dialogue is to identify the similarities of religious worldviews in dogma and ethics.Three areas of cooperation of religions in partnership dialogue are distinguished: “individual,” “society,” and “environment.” The role of theology is to identify possible paths and comprehend the conceptual grounds for interreligious cooperation. The author comes to the conclusion that the place of theology in the field of interreligious relations is wide and diverse. Consideration of this complex problem requires specification, that is clarification of the role of theology in various types of interreligious dialogue — polemical, peacemaking, cognitive and partnership, as well as their subspecies.

This chapter explores how the emerging discourse on, and practice of, inclusion in peace mediation has dealt with questions of identity, representation, and difference. In particular it seeks to understand how the object of inclusion (who?) has been framed by policy makers and practitioners, for what reasons, and with what effects. The chapter finds that the object of inclusion varies along a spectrum that can be differentiated into three main categories: Closed references, which refer to an actor group that can readily be identified according to relatively hard criteria, open references, which are rather ambiguous in their meaning and thus provide room for interpretation, and relational references, which are situated in a specific social and political context and are made salient through their relationship to other actor groups. These varying ways of framing inclusion correspond with different, and sometimes conflicting, peacemaking strategies.

The Ph.D. study Wayfinding Peace: Museums in conflict zones explores the Community Peace Museums Heritage Foundation (CPMHF) in Kenya a collective of 15 rural community peace museums. In 1994, Sultan Somjee a Kenyan ethnographer founded the CPMHF. The goal was to strengthen the cultural foundations that commemorate memories of living in peace even at times of ethnic conflicts. What makes the CPMHF peace museums unique is that they focus on a grassroots approach to “recall collective memories of reconciliation during contemporary conflicts” (Somjee, 2014, p. 8). The museums utilize cultural heritage and historical knowledge as a resource for conflict resolution, social justice, and sustainable development. Conversely, other world peace museums focus on the memorialization of a historical event, such as sites of past wars, or highlight individuals related to social justice issues (Somjee, 2014). This article offers museum and art educators, and scholars the opportunity to consider the ways the CMPHF utilize peace heritage traditions through the arts to reconcile conflict. The interdisciplinary approach of exploring history, anthropology, ethnography, art and international relations provides interesting perspectives and intersections on peacemaking approaches. The first section Community Peace Museums Heritage Foundation offers a brief historical background of the organization. The Research Study Design outlines the framework of the research. Then a discussion on Indigenous Relational Aesthetics through the lens of anthropology and ethnography scholars (Davis, 2009; May-bury Lewis, 1994; Somjee, 2018) provides insight into indigenous peacemaking traditions through cultural artistic practices. In comparison, Western Relational Aesthetics (Bourriaud, 2013) considers the different perspectives and ways relational aesthetics are viewed and how art can be employed in a Western context. Indigenous Peace Practices vs Liberal Peace provides an overview of the challenges of liberal peace ideals and the potential of employing indigenous peace heritage traditions as an alternative to address local issues, concerns, and perspectives. Afterward, three examples of CPMHF exhibitions and projects The Great Beaded Peace Tree (2008), Journeys of Peace (2014), Youth4Peace (2014-2015), Tubonge (2017-2018) illustrate the ways conflicting communities are brought together in peacemaking practices through indigenous relational aesthetics. The conclusion addresses the key lessons museum and art educators and scholars can learn from museums that utilize material culture to promote human rights through active participation in the arts.

South Africa has often been lauded as an influential and pivotal actor in peace and security affairs on the evolving African peace and security architecture. The centrality of Africa in South Africa's foreign policy has driven its exercise of peace diplomacy in a significant number of conflicts in Africa; where its mode of engagement has ranged from mediation to peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction and development assistance. Concomitant to its peace actor profile, South Africa's repertoire as an emerging development partner also forms a large part of its African agenda. The embedding of sustainable peace as a goal in the post-2015 development agenda and the enduring relevance of the security-development nexus continue to exert profound influence on the parameters and conduct of South Africa's foreign policy and its pointedly Afro-centric agenda. This article argues for greater integration and harmonisation between South Africa's peace diplomacy and its development partnership agenda through the formulation of a peacebuilding and stabilisation strategy. 1. Introduction South Africa conflates its profile as an emerging African development partner with its multi-faceted identity as champion of the African agenda, bridge-builder and emerging middle power. In a bid to rationalise and give coherence to its developmental partnership agenda, in 2011 the government put in place plans to establish the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA) which is yet to become operational. In light of this, the objectives, principles and mechanisms of South Africa's development partnership agenda have been the subject of rigorous analysis, especially with regard to discourses around aid effectiveness and sustainable development (Besharati 2013; Lucey and O'Riordan 2014). Borrowing from findings of research on South Africa's development initiatives, this article seeks to link its peace and security development interventions with its diplomatic activities in the context of an integrated approach to peacemaking, peacebuilding and development. The discussion is informed by a number of salient international trends in development cooperation namely: the emphasis on peace-building-development nexus in the pursuit of sustainable development; the uptake of trilateral development cooperation as an attractive modality in the implementation of development cooperation; policy coherence as a key requirement for development effectiveness; and the inclusion of peace as a goal in the post-2015 development agenda. 2. Towards an integration of peace, security and development: Where peace diplomacy meets diplomacy of development The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the new global development framework for development adopted in September 2015, affirmed peace as one of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and 169 targets. Goal 16 emphasises "the promotion of peaceful and inclusive societies" through upholding the rule of law, improving access to justice and the establishment of accountable institutions, among other targets (UN 2015). The essence of embedding peace as a goal within the sustainable development agenda has been aimed at renewed emphasis on positive peace, reinforced by an integrated approach to peacemaking, peacebuilding and development. The concept of positive peace is informed by conflict transformation, entailing changes in the personal, relational, structural and cultural dynamics of conflict in order to foster sustainable peace (Lederach 2003). Parallel to this discourse is a growing recognition by development stakeholders of the centrality of not only aid effectiveness but also development effectiveness as a key component of successful and sustainable development partnerships. Peace and stability on the one hand and development on the other are mutually impacting concepts: peace and stability are prerequisites for sustainable development while vicious cycles of intractable conflicts and fragility have regressive impact on development initiatives (Saferworld 2014: 3). …

Conflict is a natural and unavoidable part of human existence. It is resulting from individual or groups that differ in attitude, beliefs, values or needs. This study explored Contemporary Practices of Customary Conflict Resolution Mechanism in and around Ambo district. The study answered the following basic questions: What are the roles of Bokkuu centers in handling conflict/disputes? How did the Bokkuu centers resolve conflict/disputes? Who are the main actors that guide the conflict resolution procedure at the Bokkuu centers? What types of conflict is resolved at the three Bokkuu centers? Qualitative research methods were used to understand the complexity of Oromo cultural peacemaking and how this takes shape within the culture of the Oromo custom. Techniques of collecting data were interviewing knowledgeable elders, field observation, and Focused Group Discussion were employed. The study discovers that the participants of the study agree that cultural conflict resolution are more effective in fact finding and resolve the disagreement between the disputants than that of formal courts. Because of its effectiveness in conflict resolution and truth finding traditional conflict resolution mechanisms is extensively serving in the study area. The ways judicial procedures take place is more reliably and open for disputants and any interested body that have an idea about the issue. The members of the council are the main actor of the cultural centers; they are five in number and belong to different clans.

In the age of globalization, we cannot reflect about Comparative Literary Studies and Languages of Theory without contemplating how cross-liminality and transculturality might be lived in a mobile, medialized and rapidly changing world (Borso & Brohm 2007; Langenohl, Poole & Weinberg 2015). Art and literature have always mirrored, transmitted and evaluated critically social, moral, and aesthetical values. How, then, can this task be fulfilled on a transnational literary and cultural level in a rapidly growing world community of letters, authors and readers? In this paper, I would like to promote the notion of transculturality, first proposed as a basic model of conviviality by the Cuban sociologist Fernando Ortiz (1881-1969) in the 1940s and then, from the 1990s onwards, taken up and adapted, both terminologically and conceptually, to Third Millennium culture by the German philosopher and theorist of postmodernity Wolfgang Welsch (b. 1946). I will argue that at this moment in history, in the interest of peacemaking and sustainability and for the sake of humanity, transcultural skills and a shared understanding of transcultural coexistence, both theoretical and practical, are indispensable. From a methodological point of view that is related to the History of Knowledge, I will begin chronologically by introducing the work of Fernando Ortiz and then briefly tracing the reception of his most crucial cultural analysis in order to connect, in a second sub-chapter, its theoretical interests to Wolfgang Welsch’s publications. In a third step, I will briefly demonstrate the potential of the transcultural approach by showing paradigmatically its applicability to a colonial (Italian) novel, reread, as it were, through a transcultural lens, before coming to my conclusions.

This chapter presents the results of Gregory Bateson’s preliminary studies of relational communication among octopus, in particular Octopus bimaculatus and Octopus bimaculoides, as presented in several grant applications which failed to find funding. It may be of interest to the world of octopus research, and it bears specifically on Bateson’s ideas of conflict and peacemaking. He felt that research on such topics should always include a natural history component rather than being based solely on mathematical theories such as von Neumann’s Theory of Games.

Friendship is not often associated with citizenship, politics or civil society – and yet this contribution proposes that civic friendship(s) may be worth consideration as an expression of peacemaking and peacebuilding: the dynamic interplay between our ‘social’ and ‘individual’ selves working towards peace and countering violence. This theological consideration of friendship deals with the interaction between individuality and sociability in the work and thought of a theologian who was deeply interested in such interplay and which may therefore be helpful in theological reflection on friendship. This contribution draws on two theologians who were involved in higher education themselves – the German theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher, who served as rector of the Humboldt University of Berlin (1815–1816), and the South African theologian Russel Botman, who served as rector of Stellenbosch University (2007–2014) – from whom we may learn about (civic) friendship.

Legacies of slavery and colonialism on the African continent have contributed to conflicts that persist into modern times. Forgiveness has been hypothesized to prevent new conflicts, promote reconciliation, and foster peace. We conducted a review of the research on forgiveness in Africa between 1996 and 2018 (N = 99 articles; 33,810 participants). The review focused mostly on empirical quantitative research, and accounted for the geographical region of the authors and the sample (in quantitative research), study conceptualization and methodology, major empirical findings, and prospects for future research. Our review reveals differences in the conceptualization and application of forgiveness between African and non-African nations as well as within the nations of Africa. The role of collectivism, the principle of Ubuntu, and enemyship are highlighted in understanding forgiveness within an African context. We suggest that an African forgiveness research campaign is needed. Such a campaign would help peacemakers understand culturally mediated definitions and expressions of forgiveness, culturally appropriate ways to promote forgiveness, and potential contributions of forgiveness to African peacemaking efforts.

One of the most persistent criticisms of the peacemaking perspective in criminology is that it lacks testable hypotheses and realistic policy implications. In this essay, we examine the applicability of peacemaking ideas to the mechanisms identified by scholars that are associated with desistance from crime. We argue that the process of desistance has many similarities with peacemaking ideas and may provide an avenue for testing some of the core propositions of the peacemaking perspective. We propose a model that depicts the relationships between variables that have been observed in the desistance literature and examine how they relate to the peacemaking perspective. Policy implications of these ideas are also discussed.

This article argues for reconceptualizing islām as ‘wholeness making, peacemaking, well-being making, and safety making’ in the institutional setting of theological schools. A small number of Prote...

Pedagogy, Politics and Philosophy is a rich, somewhat eclectic mixture of chapters exploring the concept of peace in both practice and theory, with chapters focusing on philosophical reflections on...

In the Mormon doctrine of posthumous baptism, people can be invited into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) community through baptism even after their death. When it was reported...

In their recently published JCMS article, Gezim Visoka and John Doyle have proposed the concept of ‘neofunctional peace’ as a means to conceptualize the EU's peacemaking practices in the case of the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. This article challenges the ‘neo-functional peace’ on conceptual and empirical grounds. We critically discuss Visoka and Doyle's (2016) reading of neofunctionalism and question parts of their empirical evidence given for the existence of a ‘neo-functional peace’. Going beyond a mere critique of the article by Visoka and Doyle and arguing that the authors may not have fully exploited neofunctionalism's potential for theorizing EU external policy, we stipulate a neofunctionalist logic for explaining integration in the area of EU external policy. Focusing on three spillover dynamics to explain the initiation of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue – functional discrepancies, supranational entrepreneurship and external spillover – we illustrate how neofunctionalism can be used to explain the extension of the scope of EU competences and action in the external policy realm.

Informal conflict management implicitly claims to value cultural difference and to be able to mediate relations between cultural minorities and states. This article considers this claim in challenging circumstances borne of settler-colonialism by examining the cultural politics of the establishment of a conflict resolution programme in an Australian Aboriginal community. In addition to settler-colonial maligning of Aboriginal capacities to manage conflict, the Gununa community has in recent decades faced the severe attenuation of customary processes and escalating uncontrolled violence. Nonetheless, the Mornington Island Restorative Justice Project involved a spontaneous appropriation of mediation as a customary initiative and an accompanying implicit negotiation between the customary sociolegal order of Mornington Islanders and that of the liberal settler-state. Analysis of these circumstances and relations leads us to argue that informalism can support cultural difference and mediate relations with the state, although it cannot be relied upon to transform the accompanying asymmetric relationship. Nonetheless, informalism may sustain and contribute to the possibilities for transformative change by improving delivery of justice services and through recognition of Indigenous capacities and approaches to sociopolitical order.

The African Union (AU) norm relating to unconstitutional changes of government (UCG) distinguishes the African peace and security order from other regional and global peace and security orders. This norm assigns the regional organization an intrusive role unparalleled by other international organizations as far as the constitutional and democratic order of member states is concerned. The norm bans UCG and also provides for enforcement measures that received regional constitutional status in the founding treaty establishing the AU. Despite its emergence accompanying the democratization process that countries on the continent ventured into in the 1990s, seen in the light of Africa’s unhappy experience with illegal change or seizure of government, this norm cannot be dissociated from the continent’s concern about peace and security. Indeed, the norm’s defence of constitutional and democratic rule from unconstitutional changes has evolved and been utilized to operate as a means of promoting or securin...

Los cristianos han estado comprometidos en la construcción de paz desde que Jesús comenzó a reunir discípulos. Sin embargo, se ha prestado poca atención sistemática a su papel como promotores de la paz. La Biblia no ofrece una teología coherente de la paz, pero pasajes clave como la bendición de Jesús para los pacificadores (Mateo 5: 9) y su consejo de “volver la otra mejilla” -una iniciativa transformadoraproporcionan un marco para tal teología.Pablo de Tarso vio las iglesias (ekklesiae), un término que significa las comunidades políticas, económicas y religiosas de los convertidos, como instrumentos en manos de Dios, para la transformación pacífica de un mundo reconciliado a través de la muerte y resurrección de Jesucristo. A lo largo de los milenios evolucionaron dos modelos básicos de consolidación de la paz; el pacifismo fue el enfoque de los primeros padres de la iglesia como Tertuliano, reemplazado por el modelo de guerra justa lanzado por Agustín y refinado por Tomás de Aquino, que establece pautas para los líderes políticos sobre el uso de la fuerza.Lutero y Calvino apoyaron básicamente el enfoque católico, mientras que los reformadores radicales como Menno Simons insistieron en la aplicación literal del llamado de Jesús a la resistencia no violenta al conflicto armado. Un tercer enfoque - la Guerra santa - ganó el apoyo papal en las Cruzadas y todavía tiene ecos en el período actual, pero ha sido rechazado por la mayoría de los líderes cristianos responsables. Ninguno de los modelos básicos proporciona mucha orientación para los activistas cristianos por la paz.En las últimas dos décadas, ha surgido un nuevo modelo, “Paz justa”, para llenar esa brecha, basado en “iniciativas transformadoras” del Nuevo Testamento, aprovechando las lecciones aprendidas de la lucha contra la esclavitud, el colonialismo y el racismo y aplicando las ideas extraídas de las teologías de liberación centrada en los pobres, las mujeres y los pueblos indígenas. Paz justa apoya el activismo en nombre de la paz mediante la abogacía, la promoción del diálogo entre las partes en conflicto y la acción directa no violenta. El nuevo modelo puede ser utilizado tanto por pacifistas como por aquellos que creen que la fuerza armada a veces puede ser necesaria para hacer frente a un conflicto violento.

The idea of African-led solutions to African security problems has emerged as a holistic political, socio-cultural, economic, and intellectual endeavor to address the peace and security challenges in the continent. Though the term African Solutions for African Problems (AfSol) is coined recently, indigenous conflict management, peacemaking, transitional justice, and reconciliation have existed for much longer in Africa through African indigenous mechanism. This suggests that understanding the features of indigenous African political institutions and social organizations is quite necessary for meaningful development of AfSol. In this regard, Gadaa system which regulates the whole living ways of the Oromo people provides us an invaluable foundation. By organizing, analyzing and interpreting the data obtained from both primary and secondary sources, this study has attempted to examine the key values and principles of the Gadaa system and explore as to how these values and principles can help to achieve the idea of African-led solutions to African challenges. The conclusion up on the research has drawn is that in order to accomplish AfSol's mission as a realistic project, incorporating the principles and values embedded in the Gadaa system is crucial. This research suggests that the integration of Gadaa values and principles into the AfSol pillars, with necessary revisions, would reinforce the latter's practices and help its realization as a policy in the making.

De facto states—polities, such as Abkhazia (Georgia) or the Donetsk People’s Republic (Ukraine), that appropriate many trappings of statehood without securing the status of full states—have been a constant presence in the postwar international order. Some de facto states, such as Northern Cyprus, survive for a long period of time. Others, including Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka, are forcefully reintegrated into their parent states. Still others, such as Aceh in Indonesia, disappear as a result of peacemaking. A few, such as Eritrea, successfully transition to full statehood. What explains these very different outcomes? I argue that four factors account for much of this variation: the extent of military assistance that separatists receive from outside actors, the governance activities conducted by separatist insurgents, the fragmentation of the rebel movement, and the influence of government veto players. My analysis relies on an original dataset that includes all breakaway enclaves from 1945 to 2011. The findings enhance our understanding of separatist institutional outcomes, rebel governance, and the conditions that sustain nonstate territorial actors.

This paper explores the early formation of the Buddhist Peace Fellowship and its recent efforts to recreate itself. Originally envisioned as a network of local BPF chapters undertaking peacemaking and ecological projects at the regional level, it has become a web-based network of like-minded individuals connecting online. The founders published a mimeographed newsletter with inspirational translations of historical teachers and information regarding peacemaking efforts and descriptions of Asian Buddhists suffering from violence to discrimination. While the basic mission remains unchanged, current leadership faces a very different landscape, socially, politically and technologically. Current events coverage now routinely includes stories related to violence committed by Buddhists. Reaching out to a younger, less historically minded generation of Buddhists, the organisers seek to revitalise the movement with an online pedagogy called ‘The System Stinks’, inspired by an iconographic image of Robert A...

The four books under review focus on different aspects of war and conflict, but they all make it clear that women and children are more than their victims. They can be, and often are, active participants in all dimensions of conflict, from taking up arms to working for peace. While all four books paint an appropriately grim picture of war and its impact, there is also some optimism to be found in the resilience shown by women and children as they face the brutality of war and often actively seek to work for peace. Three of the books examine women's involvement in conflict, war, peace and peacemaking, and the aftermath of these events, albeit in very different ways-although all view women as active participants in the process rather than as victims. The fourth book included in this article, Children and global conflict, is not only relevant to the discussion, but also provides another important lens through which we can examine issues of conflict, war and peace. This review article provides insight into the contrition made to the field by these recent books individually, as well as when considered as parts of a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural approaches to reconciliation, those based on ‘traditional’ practices for peacemaking, have attracted the attention of scholars looking at post-conflict regions in Indonesia. Numerous observers have pointed to the revitalisation of the Tobelo adat notion of hibualamo in the province of North Maluku as a successful example of this approach. This paper disputes those conclusions and explores local strategies for peacebuilding and reactions to these strategies in post-conflict North Halmahera. I compare grassroots understandings of ‘reconciliation’ with those of the local elite behind this revitalisation effort. I also debate the concept of reconciliation as it has been applied to the region. Applying the concept of reconciliation, with its connotations of a positive peace, to the post-conflict situation in North Maluku is more of an idealistic view of the potentialities for peace than an actual reflection of reality. I suggest it is more appropriate to describe the situation as one of coexistence or...

In light of the increasing unlikelihood of a two-state solution, several integrative solutions have been proposed as alternative visions for settling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Offering a nuanced conceptual map of the various proposals for inclusive, egalitarian political visions for all the inhabitants of Israel/Palestine, this article identifies three strands of integrative approaches: liberal, binational, and shared sovereignty. It critically assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these integrative strands and evaluates integrationists' preference for historical reconciliation as an alternative framework to the peacemaking discourse of the Oslo peace process

This chapter provides a basic overview of peacemaking criminology, and demonstrates ways in which peacemaking criminology can contribute to a study of the intersection of race, class, and gender. Peacemaking criminology is an attempt to better understand the human condition and create practices with the goals of peace and social justice. Peacemaking criminology often focuses on the social and structural arrangements of society, particularly US society, and the implications of such arrangements for harmful behavior. Peacemaking can also strive for change at the institutional level, through the development of alternative methods of conflict resolution, such as mediation and reconciliation. Peacemaking has clear implications for studying the intersection of race, class, and gender. A key tenet of peacemaking is that the suffering of all has a very basic and common root, it is a part of the human condition, and it is exacerbated by current structural and discipline-oriented conditions.

In this chapter, the authors explore the re-emergence of peace-making in a Tlingit community, its renaissance, and its value as a contemporary method of dispute resolution in rural Alaska. The circle peacemaking process (herein “circle peace-making”) works in collaboration with the State of Alaska judicial system, as a local restorative practice addressing misdemeanors and juvenile offenses. Local law enforcement and families within communities can refer misdemeanor and young offenders to circle peace-making. Local schools can also refer students who are in need of guidance and direction to address misbehaviors.