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Michel Foucault argues that new techniques of government that developed in the modern period were distinct from the traditional juridical forms of sovereignty. This chapter examines the key terms of discipline and biopower, and their place in the complex of techniques that Foucault called 'governmentality'. It looks at the concept of power in Foucault's work before addressing the question of how his work can contribute to understanding of law in modern society. Foucault sets out two models of political power: the pre-modern, or classical, model of juridical power, and the modern normalising power. Where discipline works on the individual, 'biopower' is aimed at the administration and production of life. Foucault is making two claims about the law. First, that with the development of governmentality the law is transformed by normalising power. Second, that the basis of sovereignty, which before the modern period was constituted in juridical terms, requires to be rethought.

Contrary to most postcolonial approaches that focus on modernity/coloniality, this article argues for the relevance of heterarchical theories of power. In his lectures at College de France, Foucaul...

Sociological analyses of dementia have long drawn on critiques of medicalisation and the medical model. This approach fails to account for late 20th/early 21st century expansion of neuropsychiatric biopolitics, wherein a more subtle and pervasive (self-)governance of health, illness, and life itself is at stake. Since the 1970s, new neuropsychiatric imaginings of dementia have been promoted, as evident in government, third sector and research trajectories. From the 2000s, engagements with ethnicity have played an increasingly important role in these trajectories. Minority ethnic (ME) populations have emerged as a new type of dementia problem. Observations about diagnosis rates and timings, medication and nursing support (including care home admission) are normatively appraised to associate minority ethnicity with poor dementia outcomes. These outcomes are then attributed to purported cultural shortcomings of these populations. The emergence of (minority) ethnicity as a problem supports a neuropsychiatric biopolitics of dementia, wherein citizens must govern their conduct accordingly so as not to become like the imagined ‘ethnic’ antagonist. Ultimately, dementia’s newfound ethnicity problem may not serve the interests of people affected by dementia so much as researchers in the field, who should therefore reflect on their own contributions.

Play is a central discourse in policy and practice pertaining to young children's learning, development and well-being in many countries around the world. Dominant ways of understanding and advocating for play often construct universalising notions of children and childhood, overlooking that play is always-already culturally situated and ideologically inflected. In play discourse, happiness is constituted as an unproblematised condition, goal and outcome of children's play, and as an antidote to contemporary childhoods burdened by geopolitical, social and environmental issues. In this article, the authors analyse images of children at play in curriculum frameworks, documents and reports, exploring the ways that happiness consistently features as a largely unspoken/unwritten expectation and rationale for policies and policy advocacy concerning play in early childhood. Informed by post-structural theories of biopolitical power, everyday practices and the cultural politics of emotion, and utilising analytical techniques from social semiotics and discourse analysis, the authors argue that visual representations in the documents analysed depict play and happiness as co-implicated. They contend that these representations function in the production of play discourses that both assume and obligate children and childhood to happiness. They interrogate play in these terms, critiquing discursive tropes that are contingent on the co-implication of play and happiness with biopolitical subjectification in order to consider the relevance and utility of play as a policy and pedagogical export to diverse parts of the world.

In the 2000s, same sex partnership laws, new reproductive technologies, and legislation rendering lesbian couples and single women eligible for state-funded assisted reproduction with donated gametes in the Scandinavian nations has resulted in significant changes in family formation. Drawing on two separate qualitative studies, this paper scrutinizes Scandinavia’s alleged progressive LGBTQ politics by critically examining how ideas of kinship, race and nation shape ideas of ‘donor matching’ amongst queer parents in Sweden and Denmark. Through empirical analysis, we explore how the conditional invitation of queers into family making via state regulated assisted reproduction is entangled with racialised medical and commercial choices of donors that reflect historically specific ideas of race. In particular, we show how whiteness is framed as desirable and how being ‘racialised non-white’ is framed as a risk that ought to be minimised for children who are already considered ‘disadvantaged’ by being born into ‘queer’ families. Thus, we argue that contemporary queer reproduction is not only central to homonationalism, it can also be seen as a continuation of eugenic and biopolitical initiatives that have been central to the emergence of Scandinavian welfare states. We conclude by proposing further scrutiny of contemporary queer reproduction as a potential ‘white-washing’ technique to manage populations.

Este artigo é uma revisão teórica em torno da categoria racismo ambiental. Para vislumbrar a relevância desse conceito para o pensamento geográfico nacional, recorre-se às contribuições oferecidas pelos paradigmas: cidadania, biopolítica e racismo. Dessa forma, pretende-se não só dialogar com um conceito emergente, o racismo ambiental, como também ambiciona-se verificar a legitimidade da hipótese: se a ocupação do solo é, de fato, determinada pela cor da pele. Palavras-chave: Racismo. Racismo Ambiental. Cidadania. Biopolítica. Resistência.

Outubro de 2020. A prefeitura da cidade de São Paulo inicia uma obra de concretagem de pedras sob viadutos da Zona Leste da cidade. O argumento? Supostamente evitar o despejo de lixo naqueles locais. Quatro meses mais tarde, os blocos são removidos da paisagem paulistana. A ação revestida de política urbanística, em verdade, possui propósitos excludentes e higienistas, uma das maneiras pelas quais a “bio-necropolítica” se manifesta na sociedade. Através da chamada arquitetura hostil, propõe-se, no presente artigo, atualizar de modo tangível o conceito foucaultiano de biopolítica e estabelecer aproximações com a necropolítica do filósofo camaronês Achille Mbembe. Para tanto, ainda que se recorra a uma metodologia qualitativa de cunho teórico com base etnográfica, é do recente caso das pedras paulistanas que se concretiza o objetivo citado e torna-se possível situar o sujeito infame como maior vítima de uma não-existência, com violações sistemáticas dos seus direitos básicos.

This paper utilizes the concept of ‘discriminate biopower’ to explore how advancements in social and behavioral genomics might inform the racially exclusionary nature of one of the most inequitable...

Queer transformative media fandoms have experienced multiple platform deaths due to “adult” content bans that remove queer content because it is considered “not safe for work” or pornographic. Such...

As one of the main components of the modern state, biopolitics appears to be a stable element behind each process of government. From early social contract theories to contemporary theories biopolitics has been a subject of various studies. Although it appears to be a fixed structure, it is possible to change the way it processes. Taking the theories of Foucault and Agamben, we arrive to the concept of the affirmative biopolitics. The affirmative biopolitics, a concept constructed by changing the destructive power of biopolitics to sustain human life, offers ways to overcome bio-power within the existing governmental structures. As it might come as a rather complex theory, it is a good idea to study affirmative biopolitics through the well-known narratives, for better illustrative examples. Nazi regime is one of the most intense periods of biopolitical governance, thus, Holocaust narratives serve as a good point of departure for study. There are various examples of non-violent resilience against bio-power in these narratives. The common point of these narratives is re-establishing humanity, and, the first step for re-gaining a voice is through language. In terms of storytelling and testifying, language constructs a voice for the ones who were forced to silence. It is not testifying to the official truth but to the personal truth that alters the historical ground and shakes the bio-power. Then it is the comic attitude against the terror of destruction that might change the impact it leaves on people. It is possible to expand the branches of the affirmative biopolitics, yet these are effective practices that we can simply adopt to make an impact on the social processes around us.

In the midst of a pandemic, what does it mean to see the Other as Other and not as a carrier of the virus? I argue that in seeking a Levinasian response to the pandemic, we must be mindful of the implications of the mechanisms of surveillance and control that, presented as ways to protect the Other, operate by controlling the Other and rendering our relation to the Other increasingly impersonal. Subjected to these mechanisms, the Other becomes a dangerous entity that must be controlled, and the state that deploys them comes increasingly to mediate the relation between self and Other. The more we rely on such mechanisms for protection, the easier it becomes to regard the Other not as one who summons me to an infinite responsibility but as a vector of disease. Despite all the differences between Levinas’s and Foucault’s approaches, reading them in conversation shows that the control and surveillance of the population functions within a discourse that medicalizes and objectifies the Other in favor of the centralizing power that uses those technologies. In defiance of Levinas’s warning against imposing a narrative on the Other’s suffering, this discourse coopts that suffering as a justification for biopower. © 2021 by Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia. All rights reserved.

In this paper, we propose a conceptual framework for understanding the impact of the policy responses to COVID‐19 on disabled people. These responses have overwhelmingly focused on individual vulnerability, which has been used as a justification for removing or restricting rights. This suggests the need to shift the attention towards the social determinants of disabled people's vulnerability. We do this by bringing literature on social vulnerability in disaster risk management or ‘disaster studies’ in contact with key concepts in disability studies such as the social model of disability, independent living, intersectionality, and biopower. Empirically, we draw on the findings of the global COVID‐19 Disability Rights Monitor (www.covid‐drm.org), as well as on reports from academic journals, civil society publications, and internet blogs. We put the proposed conceptual framework to work by developing a critical analysis of COVID‐19 policies in three interrelated areas—institutional treatment and confinement of disabled people, intersectional harms, and access to health care. Our conclusion links this analysis with strategies to address disabled people's social vulnerability in post‐pandemic reconstruction efforts. We make a case for policies that address the social, economic, and environmental conditions that disproportionately expose disabled people to natural disasters and hazards.

Over the last 20 years, biopolitics has become an established research field within the humanities and the social sciences. However, scholars agree that the academic status of biopolitics remains problematic due to the latter’s conceptual fuzziness, unmanageable scope and weak foundations. To address these issues, biopolitics theorists have engaged in reflexive efforts to convert biopolitics into a respectable discipline with a clear definition, research agenda and canon. In this article, I examine the reflexive biopolitics scholarship that has emerged in the last decade and conclude that while biopolitics may not satisfy the criteria for achieving disciplinary respectability due to the chief aporia that both underpins and undermines the academic biopolitics project – namely, its seemingly infinite reach – the structure of biopolitics matches that of experimental knowledge, also known as counterscience, the university without condition and nomad science.

Crowdfunding platforms apply a marketized, competitive logic to healthcare, increasingly functioning as generative spaces in which worthy citizens and biopolitical subjects are produced. Using a lens of biopower, this article considers what sort of biopolitical subjectivities were produced in and through New Zealand crowdfunding campaigns during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown. It focuses on a discursive and dialogical analysis of 59 online medical crowdfunding campaigns that were active during lockdown and chose to mention the pandemic. These pages pointed to interrelated biological, social and economic precarities, speaking to questions about how citizens navigate uneven needs during uncertain times. Findings showed that crowdfunders referred to the pandemic in order to narrate their own situation in culturally coherent ways and to establish context-specific relations of care. This included contextualising their needs through establishing shared crisis narratives that also made the infrastructural contexts of healthcare visible and performing relational labour in ways that aligned with nationally specific affective regimes. By highlighting their own vulnerability, crowdfunders strategically mobilised broader lockdown discourses of self-sacrifice on behalf of vulnerable people. In this way, New Zealand’s lockdown produced subjectivities both drawing on wider neoliberal moral regimes and specific to the nuanced and emergent moral systems of pandemic citizenship.

Michel Foucault was one of the 20th century’s great practitioners of study. Time in the archives and library, teaching, reading, thinking, and writing were all integrated aspects of his tireless labor to find lines of escape out of the confines of Western humanism and totalizing approaches to power and history. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures at the Collège de France and the work of James Bernauer, this article discusses Foucault’s mode of study as a practice of freedom. It then mobilizes Foucault’s analyses of biopolitics and neoliberal reason to address new enclosures of academic labor that push against study within the university. The article argues that Foucault was not able to anticipate how the biopolitical horizon would become ever-more dependent on extraction, including from the value generated by academic labor. It then draws on ideas of fugitivity and undercommons to supplement Foucault’s study as a mode of resistance.

Throughout much of clinical history, those working within the arena of pain medicine have conceptualized pain as a musculoskeletal problem. Clinicians adhered to biomechanical explanatory models of pain, seeking out an underlying corporeal source and targeting the body as a site of intervention. Recently, however, some pain specialists have begun to promote the notion that pain is an output of the brain, rather than an input of the tissue. This shift is occurring in relation to both an opioid-related overdose crisis, in which the biomedical community is searching for new solutions to chronic pain, and a neurocognitive turn, in which neuroscientific explanatory models of pathology are gaining popular and clinical authority. In this dissertation, I trace the ways in which pain is being newly biomedicalized, or neuroscientized, alongside these trends. I follow neuroscientific understandings of pain as they travel through the overlapping biomedical domains of production, dissemination, and uptake, arguing that a neuroscientization of pain repositions patient agency and responsibility. Drawing upon interviews with pain neuroscientists and clinicians, as well as ethnographic observations conducted in a neuroimaging pain laboratory, two medical schools, and three clinical pain groups, I trace the policies, discourses, and subjects that both constitute and are constituted by these transformations occurring in pain medicine. I first explore the domain of production, demonstrating the means by which pain is produced as a neuroscientific object. Here, I argue that the structures of the scientific process of inquiry necessarily limit and restrict the various subjectivities inherent in pain by describing how pain scientists go about disciplining complexity. Next, I examine the domain of dissemination, drawing on descriptions of the opioid crisis and its proposed solutions in order to characterize them as thoroughly biopolitical in nature, attending to its focus on risk and production of specific subjectivities, the surrounding politics of knowledge production, and the flattening of complexity as policies and clinical discourses simplify both opiates and pain patients. Lastly, I attend to the domain of uptake, examining the ways in which neural and plasticity discourses are taken up in clinical settings, shaping notions of patienthood by invoking a simultaneous opportunity for optimization and obligation for self-regulation. Taken together, this dissertation asserts that a biopolitical transformations in pain medicine are producing new understandings of what pain is, how it should be managed, and who stands to benefit from these new configurations.

O artigo analisa as configurações da educação no decurso da pandemia da Covid-19, a partir da triangulação formada pelos conceitos de disciplina, biopolítica e governamentalidade, desenvolvidos pelo autor francês Michel Foucault. O corpus de análise é composto por cinco postagens publicadas em perfis oficiais de três secretarias estaduais da educação, a saber: Secretaria da Educação do Ceará (@seduc_ce); Secretaria de Estado da Educação do Piauí (@seducpi); Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo (@seducsp). Em relação à metodologia, trata-se de um estudo descritivo-interpretativo de natureza qualitativa. A análise do material coletado permite constatar o enfoque disciplinar, radiografado especialmente no tocante a como os discentes devem se comportar no âmbito ensino domiciliar, as estratégias biopolíticas, que perfilam a saúde desses discentes e de seus familiares, por meio de recomendações de cunho sanitário e, por fim, o governo desses corpos e subjetividades que estão ausentes do espaço físico da escola, em razão da pandemia, mas não incólumes às capturas da governamentalidade.

This article employs the notions of citizenship as status, habitus and acts as a framework through which to capture how sovereign power, disciplinary power and biopower intersect in the context of ...

Purpose Drawing on the discursive properties of placemaking theory, this paper discusses the development of film tourism in Crete from the release of the award-winning Zorba the Greek (dir. Michael Cacoyannis, ZG) to date. The approach is “genealogical,” seeking to explain how ZG-inspired tourism on Crete ended up being more than about the film itself owing to historical contingency.

This article explores German Korean philosopher Byung-Chul Han’s notion of psychopolitics and his concept of the neoliberal subject. For Han, mental processes are now the primary target of power. This means that, according to Han, biopower must give way to what he calls psychopower since perspectives that critically seek to understand neoliberalism through a biopolitical lens are no longer adequate to contemporary regimes of neoliberal achievement. This article examines and evaluates Han’s argument that Foucauldian biopolitics is obsolete in today’s neoliberal age because of biopolitics’ primary focus on the body over mental processes. We suggest that, instead of emphasizing the need to move beyond biopolitics, Han’s theorization of psychopolitics could benefit from paying closer attention to some of Foucault’s insights on biopower and from identifying key connections between biopolitics and psychopolitics. By highlighting some important continuities between Foucault’s biopolitics and Han’s psychopolitics (instead of emphasizing the discontinuities between both theorists’ perspectives, as Han tends to privilege), this article seeks to move towards improved theorizations of concepts like achievement, subjectivity, otherness or optimization, concepts that are key to Han’s understanding of contemporary neoliberal practices.

RESUMO Uma leitura de O Nascimento da Clínica de Michel Foucault, especialmente do capítulo “Uma Consciência Política”, traz à tona um dos aspectos que constituiu o saber médico, o qual seria justamente a preocupação com a saúde da população. Conforme descrito por Foucault, a dispersão do discurso médico para o espaço social trouxe implicações para a racionalidade médica que ainda nos atingem na atualidade. O artigo pretende acompanhar as análises arqueológicas de Foucault nesse livro e estabelecer os principais pontos de relevo e as pontes para as análises futuras em sua trajetória filosófica. Entre os pontos, pode-se destacar a instituição de uma medicina higienista do estado, as estatísticas, a necessidade de formar médicos, as relações estratégicas. Vai-se concluir o artigo com considerações finais acerca da instauração do discurso médico nas suas contingências históricas; acerca da constituição dos próprios médicos nas faculdades e corporações; e dos vínculos com os estudos posteriores de Foucault com o que ele denominará biopolítica. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Arqueologia. Foucault. Nascimento da Clínica. Medicina. Saúde.

This article examines the Depo-Provera Affair—where Israeli doctors administered the contraceptive Depo-Provera to newly immigrated Ethiopian Jewish women—to argue that the Israeli settler colonial project depends on these forms of gendered anti-Black violence, through the management of Black African bodies. In 2013, then Israeli Deputy Health Minister Yaakov Litzman admitted that they had administered Depo-Provera to Ethiopian immigrant women without their consent, after reproductive and civil rights activists in Israel called for an investigation after a drop in the birthrate among Ethiopian women: close to 50 per cent within the previous decade. The demarcation of Blackness as a political tool necessary to advance Israeli modernity and the situating of Black bodies as antithetical to the state of Israel are not contradictory but rather illuminate Israel’s deployment of anti-Blackness through the racial and reproductive violence necessary to become part of the superior, European West.

This paper takes a critical look at the role of chronobiology in society today, with particular reference to its entanglements with health and medicine and whether or not this amounts to the (bio)medicalisation of our bodily rhythms. What we have here, we show, is a complex unfolding storyline, within and beyond medicine. On the one hand, the promises and problems of these circadian, infradian and ultradian rhythms for our health and well-being are now increasingly emphasised. On the other hand, a variety of new rhythmic interventions and forms of governance are now emerging within and beyond medicine, from chronotherapies and chronopharmacology to biocompatible school and work schedules, and from chronodiets to the optimisation of all we do according to our ‘chronotypes’. Conceptualising these developments, we suggest challenges us to think within and beyond medicalisation to wider processes of biomedicalisation and the biopolitics of our body clocks: a vital new strand of chronopolitics today indeed which implicates us all in sickness and in health as the very embodiment of these rhythms of life itself. The paper concludes with a call for further research on these complex unfolding relations between chronobiology, health and society in these desynchronised times of ours.

Critically considering the Agambenian status of “Camp (which) is the very paradigm of political space at the point of which politics become Biopolitics and Homosacer is virtually confused with the citizen” and the Foucauldian concept of Biopolitics -a system of regulation of the human body both biologically and politically, this article would like to explore the biopolitical praxis in Mahasweta Devi’s Draupadi– a short story which tells about the explicit and exploitative representation of state-sponsored violence and resistance to it by the subaltern representative. The state-sponsored violence and the activities of the rebels set in a fictional but politically reverberating setting is an attractive field of exploration. Looking at the short story through the Foucauldian and Agambenian concept of controlling Bios both biologically and politically, this article would like to assess the ways in which Biopolitics coerces the population. This article would like to explore the biopolitical subjugation of the subaltern and contributes to the discussion on Biopolitics.

The objective of this article is to examine to what extent Foucault’s genealogy of power illuminates some aspects of the totalitarian phenomenon, particularly, its racism. For this, it will be necessary to focus on the lectures given by Foucault at the College de France in 1976, entitled Society must be defended. In this lectures, Foucault carries out a genealogy of State racism that makes it possible to understand totalitarian regimes as the paroxysmal form of disciplinary power and biopower; at the same time, Foucault show us how in these regimes sovereignty and biopolitics are fused.

La actual resistencia política al poder desde el arte tecnológico y algunos de sus ejemplos, parten de una relectura de las teorías de biopoder y tecnopoder que deriva en nuevas formas de repensar el género. Esta reflexión se materializa en un activismo artístico que evoluciona históricamente desde ejemplos anteriores como el ciberfeminismo. Surgen nuevos escenarios de lucha, una nueva bioética y sin duda, un nuevo escenario político. Estas nuevas realidades representan la gran capacidad que este tipo de arte demuestra para revisar y desmontar acciones de poder preestablecidas como las que tienen lugar dentro del neoliberalismo, el esquema colonial de raza y sexo, la contemplación binaria del género y la aplicación de políticas de control basadas en prefectos morales. Este panorama con-temporáneo de disidencia artística se evidencia mediante el análisis de las obras, artistas y teóricos expuestos en esta disertación.

La Atención Primaria de Salud en Chile (APS) forma parte central de la estrategia de salud pública del Estado chileno para el cuidado de la población. Al interior de la APS existen múltiples indicadores para medir las acciones sanitarias, tales como las Metas Sanitarias (MS) y el Índice de Actividad de la Atención Primaria de Salud (IAAPS). En esta línea, en el presente artículo busco reflexionar, desde una perspectiva foucaultiana, y a partir de un análisis de las MS e IAAPS, si es posible pensar la APS como un dispositivo de biopoder al interior de la salud pública chilena. Para ello, la investigación estará dividida en tres partes. En primer lugar, expondré los elementos centrales que componen las MS y el IAAPS, en segundo lugar, desarrollaré los conceptos de biopoder y dispositivo, presentes en el pensamiento foucaultiano y, en la tercera sección, realizaré análisis de las MS e IAAPS a partir de las claves comprensivas trabajadas en la sección anterior. Finalmente, el curso de los argumentos me lleva a sostener que las MS e IAAPS son estrategias centrales de biopoder presentes al interior de lo que he denominado dispositivo de atención primaria, cuyo objetivo es, por un lado, intervenir los cuerpos y, por otro, separar y priorizar ciertos grupos de la población y desplazar a otros.

O artigo tem por objetivo apresentar as categorias filosóficas da biopolítica, do estado de exceção e do paradigma do campo, a partir da obra de Michel Foucault e Giorgio Agamben, como backgroud teórico para contextualizar a questão da violência perpetrada contra mulheres, majoritariamente pobres e negras no Brasil contemporâneo nos seus espaços de trabalho durante a pandemia da Covid-19. Busca-se responder ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: em que medida, sob uma perspectiva biopolítica, é possível estabelecer um continuum histórico entre escravidão e trabalho doméstico no Brasil, marcado pela violência e pela exploração dos corpos femininos nos espaços de trabalho? A pesquisa é perspectivada por meio da técnica da pesquisa bibliográfica e do método genealógico foucaultiano, pois aborda questões da contemporaneidade sem perder de vista fatos do passado histórico do país. O texto se estrutura em duas partes: a) inicialmente, discorre sobre a violência histórica perpetrada contra mulheres pobres e negras vinculadas ao trabalho doméstico desde o Brasil Colônia até o contexto contemporâneo; b) na sequência, analisa como a casa, especialmente em tempos de pandemia, pode constituir-se em uma espécie de campo, ao transformar-se em espaço de exceção que permite a perpetuação (permanente) das mais abjetas formas de escravidão, que colocam mulheres no centro das técnicas de politização e exploração da vida.

Neste artigo, são analisados enunciados da esfera jornalística, especificamente, reportagens e/ou notícias cujo referencial discursivo contempla as expressões sintagmáticas “pais na pandemia” e “pais separados na pandemia”. O estatuto de acontecimento discursivo conferido às séries enunciativas permite observar como o exercício da paternidade, em tempos pandêmicos, dispersa-se entre “instituições, leis, vitórias e derrotas políticas, reivindicações, comportamentos, revoltas e reações” (FOUCAULT, 2014, p. 175). É um acontecimento, porque passou a necessitar de comprovação do cumprimento de medidas sanitárias indicadas pelo saber científico para ser justificado. Soma-se a isso o fato de que, nessa produção discursiva, questões jurídicas são associadas à biopolítica, em razão do cuidado para com a saúde familiar e a coletiva. As análises dão visibilidade ao funcionamento do campo jurídico nas relações familiares, o qual se fundamenta no regime de verdade da ciência e em práticas de biopolítica. Concomitantemente a esse funcionamento do poder, materializa-se, também, a relação entre as práticas de liberdade e as de obediência/desobediência, teorizadas por Gros (2018), que são exploradas mediante seu entrelaçamento com o poder governamental, o qual vêm de encontro à investigação de retratos da subjetividade paterna, nos rastros do discurso jornalístico, ao se entrelaçar paternidade à pandemia.

This paper draws on an autoethnographic ‘digital diary’ which the author began after testing positive for HIV in July 2016, until May 2021, to critically assess (mis)representations of both the AIDS and COVID-19 pandemics in the media. Drawing on insights from art, literature, queer theory and social anthropology, the paper focuses on dominant moral and political discourses to show how narratives of blame, shame and guilt about viral transmission contribute to the stigmatisation of ‘at risk’ groups. Concepts of biopower and normative judgement are used to reflect on discourses which construct those who ‘test positive’ for HIV or SARS-CoV-2 as ‘reckless’, ‘risky’ or ‘irresponsible’ subjects. The paper also analyses notes on recent media appearances made by the author to discuss their participation in the PARTNER study, which showed that HIV antiretroviral therapy eliminates the possibility of HIV transmission, including reports on BBC News, in The Guardian, on Sky News, on Channel 5 News, and in the Metro. As the latter had reported that the ‘Covid-19 crisis raises hopes of end to UK transmission of HIV’, portrayals of the two pandemics are compared to explore tensions between public health and individual responsibility as normative priorities.

Michel Foucault’s The Birth of Biopolitics is generally acknowledged as a pioneering study of neoliberalism, presenting it not merely as an economic theory but also as a mode of government. There is much debate, however, on Foucault’s intentions in analysing neoliberalism and the place of the genealogy in his broader critical project. The Birth of Biopolitics itself lacks both an explicit judgement of neoliberalism and an explicit ethical program. In this article, I maintain that Foucault’s genealogical work on neoliberalism is complementary to his notions of agency. From this perspective, Foucault’s genealogy is not a judgement of neoliberalism in terms of right or wrong but rather serves as a breeding ground for ethical conduct. The notion of the critical attitude in particular shows that Foucault’s genealogical work stands in the service of the subject’s autonomy. However, Foucault is reluctant to fill in his ethical program too much because it should gain substance only in local struggles and through the subject’s own considerations.

Our analysis of the multicultural picturebooks Yangsook Choi's The Name Jar (2001) and Anthony Robles's Lakas and the Manilatown Fish (2003) exposes life-and-death histories and shows how children's publishing can create enabling transnational narratives that inform communities and nation states beyond fictive events. We review the role of power in US definitions of multiculturalism and introduce an articulation of power as biopower in a transnational context. By linking the two picturebooks to their respective historical backdrops, we demonstrate how fictive children's personal choices and multicultural encounters in school and community advance narratives of life on a global scale.

The following work problematizes the reception of racialist theories within the academic context of Bahia Faculty of Medicine, as produced by the legal authorities and the police in the Bahia of the Brazilian Republic. It analyzes a set of legal cases concerning homicide and attempted homicide to have occurred in Salvador, as well as theses presented to the Faculty and reports produced in the state’s prison facilities. Based on a reading of Nina Rodrigues and several theses proposed by medical graduates inspired by his theories and those of Lombroso, we seek to understand their reception inside and outside the academic sphere, where they seem to have better flourished. In a dialogue with a variety of authors are Michel Foucault’s concepts of biopolitics and biopower, as a means of understanding the phenomenon of the racialization of justice based on specific medical knowledge.

Resumen Este artículo problematiza las relaciones que se entretejen entre información, cibernética y biopolítica en la actual era de la globalización y del poshumanismo. El trabajo aborda las formas de representación simbólicas de estas relaciones, de acuerdo con una concepción del mundo como sistema en el cual la información circula ahora globalmente. Se señala que la globalización de la información no solo es un instrumento de los mercados y del capitalismo sino que, además, determina las construcciones textuales, la gestación de las memorias y los discursos sobre los otros, gracias al empleo de las tecnologías y, específicamente, las del propio lenguaje. Abstract This article brings to attention the relationships that are interwoven between information, cybernetics and biopolitics in the current era of globalization and post-humanism, as well as the forms of symbolic representation of these relationships, according to a conception of the world as a system, in which the information now circulates globally, becoming not only an instrument of the markets and capitalism, but also, it determines some textualities, some memory and some discourses on others, thanks to the use of technologies and, especifically, those of the language.

The article develops a theoretical framework for the critical examination of cinematic tourist design. Considering ‘film-induced tourism’ as part of a bigger system involving the design of mobilities, it interrogates the connection between the aesthetic and ethical principles that end up informing the engineering of national hospitality in media platforms. The design, which is managed by a ‘worldmaking authority’ or network encompassing the host nation state and international tourist and media markets, conforms to the rationalised rules of what Boltanski and Chiapello termed the ‘new spirit of capitalism’, which mobilises romantic ideals of individual freedom to sell landscapes and exotic cultural characters. The phased development of such mobilities conforms to contingency and is indifferent to the welfare of particular social groups. The model is exemplified through the phased design of mobilities out of two films with virulent sexist and antisemitic content centred on the journeys of the fictional Kazakh journalist Borat to the United States.

From a postcolonial perspective, U.S. higher education is entangled with the colonial past and the neoliberal neo-colonial present as an economic actor that dominates global educational markets through internationalization. The COVID pandemic and the nationwide movement for racial justice have brought these entanglements into stark relief in the ways U.S. colleges and universities are implicated in the neoliberal biopolitics of race. Applied to higher education, Michel Foucault’s concept of biopolitics as the management of life and wellbeing of populations and his conceptualization of racism as a biopolitical tool illuminate how U.S. colleges and universities maintain racialized categorizations of lives worth protecting and lives considered disposable in the service of dominant whiteness. De-centering whiteness and eliminating its advantage and superiority in research, curricula, instruction, and internationalization is a necessary step toward a future that envisions a more inclusive and equal citizenship.

While CRISPR/Cas9 has become a lightning rod for fears about humanity’s increasing capacity to engineer biological life, the mainstream of Anglo-American bioethics struggles to discern much wrong with genome editing of human beings in vitro. In this paper, we analyze the notion of biopolitics and consider what contribution it may make to debates on genome editing. We disambiguate the different senses of two key terms: ‘biopolitics’, and ‘life’, and try to show how particular authors in the biopolitics literature draw on and emphasize different versions of these concepts. In the final section of the paper, we venture some suggestions as to the contribution that a number of these approaches might make to moving beyond a focus on risk and individual liberty to address the urgent bioethical questions surrounding the use of CRISPR/Cas9 to edit the human genome.

This paper argues that a shift in discourse about the nature and purpose of Further Education is under way in England. A recent White Paper, ‘Skills for jobs: lifelong learning for opportunity and ...

Heralding the self-brand of ‘K-prevention’ (nuanced with nationalistic pride in line with K-wave, K-pop, etc.), Korea has operated within two methods of articulation against COVID-19. One method in...

Technology is a new theology. Substantively, technology represents the culmination of human creation undergirded by reason, without reference to the supernatural. In that sense, technology is a kind of secular substitute for theology. Functionally, through its ubiquity and esoteric rules that govern our lives so comprehensively, technology echoes the binding nature of theology as a subset of religion (from religare, meaning ‘to rebind’). However, the binding nature of techno-secular theology produces biopolitical violence. In this article, I propose that recognition (‘re‑cognition’) of technology as techne, a tool to be used for good, rather than a religare, a binding, warrants a return to a theological framework to develop a more charitable community. This will facilitate the development and improvement of theology as a means of exploring mystery.

Foucault’nun fikirleri sosyal çalışma teori ve pratiğini yaratıcı yollarla bütünleştirmeye olanak vererek disiplininin gelişmesine ve dönüşmesine katkı sağlama potansiyeline sahiptir. Çalışmanın amacı; Foucault’nun bazı fikirlerinin sosyal çalışmayla ilgisini kurmak böylece sosyal çalışma teori ve pratiğine katkı sağlama potansiyelini tartışmaktır. Foucault’nun iktidar, biyopolitika, söylem ve yönetimsellik kavramları üzerinden yapılan sosyal çalışma analizi; sosyal çalışma pratiğinde yer edinen iktidar uygulamalarına, bilgi otoritelerine ve ahlaki zorunluluklara işaret ederek öz eleştiri fırsatı sunmaktadır. Ayrıca sosyal çalışmacılara ve sosyal hizmet öğrencilerine referans alınan anlam çerçevelerini fark etmeleri ve baskın söylemleri tanımlamaları için olanak vermektedir. Bunların yanında sosyal çalışma pratiğinin, bağlam- söylem ile şekillenen bir uygulama olduğunu fark etmeyi ve profesyonellik üzerine tekrar düşünmeyi sağlamaktadır. Sonuç olarak Foucault’nun fikirleri ile yapılan analiz; kurumsallaşmış söylemin retorik terimleriyle şekillenen bilginin tartışmaya açık, çok sesli ve iktidarla ayrılmaz olduğunu ifade etmektedir. Böylece bilginin iktidar ile eylem arasında pekiştirici ilişki oluşturduğunu vurgulamaktadır. Bu çıkarım doğrultusunda sosyal çalışma teori ve pratiğinde yer alan baskın söylemlerin güç ilişkileri üzerinden analiz edilmesi bütüncül ve daha az sınırlayıcı alternatif söylemlerin inşa edilmesine olanak verecektir. Zira giderek artan şeffaflık beklentisi ve post-panoptik gözetim şekilleri sosyal çalışma pratiğinde Foucault’nun fikirlerinin daha fazla benimsenmesini gerektirmektedir.