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This article presents the authors’ collaboration with a former gang leader, referred to as X, as part of a research project exploring identity transformation and mo(ve)ments beyond gang engagement. The project is based on a multilayered transmethodological approach that involves different embodied researcher positionalities and theoretical engagements, and a merging of diverse research fields. The exploration of the different movements and changes in X’s life is based on transmethodological mo(ve)ment ethnography, exploring mo(ve)ments of transformation of identity, engagement and community in the everyday life of X, who is striving to become a good, practicing Muslim. Transmethodological mo(ve)ment ethnography makes it possible to go into depth with key moments of change in a subject’s life and pursue them from different theoretical perspectives by integrating and transgressing concepts, analytical gazes and positionalities. To analyze and understand the former gang leader’s life and process of transformation, we utilize poststructuralist and decolonial theory and integrate these approaches with those of social practice theory and critical psychology. Through an exploration of key mo(ve)ments in X’s life story and our collaboration, we examine how we as researchers are able to transverse different theoretical and embodied positionings, analyzing transmethodology as closely linked to the positioning of the researcher. By exploring our different and overlapping theoretical, analytical and embodied positionings, we demonstrate how a transmethodological approach can enrich analytical processes, pointing towards an emancipatory form of research. This article presents the authors’ collaboration with a former gang leader, referred to as X, as part of a research project exploring identity transformation and mo(ve)ments beyond gang engagement. The project is based on a multilayered transmethodological approach that involves different embodied researcher positionalities and theoretical engagements, and a merging of diverse research fields. The exploration of the different movements and changes in X’s life is based on transmethodological mo(ve)ment ethnography, exploring mo(ve)ments of transformation of identity, engagement and community in the everyday life of X, who is striving to become a good, practicing Muslim. Transmethodological mo(ve)ment ethnography makes it possible to go into depth with key moments of change in a subject’s life and pursue them from different theoretical perspectives by integrating and transgressing concepts, analytical gazes and positionalities. To analyze and understand the former gang leader’s life and process of transformation, we utilize poststructuralist and decolonial theory and integrate these approaches with those of social practice theory and critical psychology. Through an exploration of key mo(ve)ments in X’s life story and our collaboration, we examine how we as researchers are able to transverse different theoretical and embodied positionings, analyzing transmethodology as closely linked to the positioning of the researcher. By exploring our different and overlapping theoretical, analytical and embodied positionings, we demonstrate how a transmethodological approach can enrich analytical processes, pointing towards an emancipatory form of research.

This article seeks to conceptualize and analyze how processes of deglobalization are interde-pendently connected with processes of dehumanization, double bind and racialization in the field of radicalization of ethnic and religious minorities in Denmark. We analyze two sociopolitical cases to show how deglobalization takes form in local practice, enabling or limiting specific sub-jects’ and groups’ possibilities of being perceived and accepted as Danish citizens. Relations be-tween radicalization and dehumanization are explored across subjective, societal, political and discursive practices linked to double-bind processes and possible movements beyond them. Our aim is to establish a theoretical framework for exploring a psychology of deglobalization that takes into account processes of racialization, mis-interpellation, double bind and the possibilities for rehumanization.

Populist national discourses position immigrant youth as a source of ‘concern’, requiring integration so that they can become acceptable citizens. The image of the unintegrated immigrant cut off from resources and the vitality of the national community looms large in the national imaginary (Dyrness & Abu El-Haj) . There is a proliferation of ‘talk about’ immigrant youth as potential enemies of the state or as sources of hope for an idealized democratic future. Common to all of these narratives is a talking about and over the voices of immigrant youth. In this article we aim to look into identity mapping as a productive method to include immigrant youth’s own voices, ideas and imaginaries. Populist national discourses position immigrant youth as a source of ‘concern’, requiring integration so that they can become acceptable citizens. The image of the unintegrated immigrant cut off from resources and the vitality of the national community looms large in the national imaginary (Dyrness & Abu El-Haj) . There is a proliferation of ‘talk about’ immigrant youth as potential enemies of the state or as sources of hope for an idealized democratic future. Common to all of these narratives is a talking about and over the voices of immigrant youth. In this article we aim to look into identity mapping as a productive method to include immigrant youth’s own voices, ideas and imaginaries.

This chapter explores the process of learning to be a good Muslim, analyzing the boundary community and relations that enabled a former gang leader, X, to move beyond gang engagement and religious radicalization. The chapter is based on collective, participatory practice research, utilizing mo(ve)ment methodology to grasp pivotal points of transformation in X’s life. We follow X’s movements beyond the brotherhood with his (former) fellow street gang members and explore the changes emerging through his engagement in Islam and a Muslim community. The dialectics of boundary community relations and transformative movements, analyzed over time, extend across a forensic psychiatric ward, a high security prison, Danish political agendas, our research collaboration and the Muslim community, X is part of. This kind of boundary community analysis of X’s movement beyond radicalization and gang engagement challenges dominate Danish political discourses on ‘cross-over’ from gang engagement to radical Islam – especially the common belief that Islam has a potentially negative and radicalizing influence on formerly criminalized youth.

The paper explores the process of learning to be a good Muslim and the movement beyond gang engagement and religious radicalization. We follow a former gang member, X, and analyze his changed participation in and across various communities and contexts, such as his former gang environment, a Muslim community learning center, and how various arrangements of Danish prison practice and legal psychiatry, provide possibilities and limitations for building a meaningful trajectory beyond gang engagement. Employing mo(ve)ment methodology, we look into significant and conflictual moments that moved him towards change, exploring the ways in which he actively uses Islam and the community around this as a vehicle of transformation of himself and his practices in different contexts of his life. We follow his journey of transformation from gang member, to becoming more engaged in Islam in the isolation of his prison cell, to going into the direction of a radical form of Islamic ideology, and moving away from that engaging in a spiritual sense of religiosity. The paper illustrates the double meanings of long sentences and mixed feelings of meaning experienced in extreme marginalized situations, and challenges dominating ‘cross-over’ discourses about the radicalizing influences Islam can have on former criminalized youths.

The paper explores the process of learning to be a good Muslim and the movement beyond gang engagement and religious radicalization. We follow a former gang member, X, and analyze his changed participation in and across various communities and contexts, such as his former gang environment, a Muslim community learning center, and how various arrangements of Danish prison practice and legal psychiatry, provide possibilities and limitations for building a meaningful trajectory beyond gang engagement. Employing mo(ve)ment methodology, we look into significant and conflictual moments that moved him towards change, exploring the ways in which he actively uses Islam and the community around this as a vehicle of transformation of himself and his practices in different contexts of his life. We follow his journey of transformation from gang member, to becoming more engaged in Islam in the isolation of his prison cell, to going into the direction of a radical form of Islamic ideology, and moving away from that engaging in a spiritual sense of religiosity

Elevens selvforhold og robusthed ses som en afgørende forudsætning for læring og deltagelse i fællesskabet, og skolerne gør i deres indsats for inklusion et kæmpe arbejde for at gøre eleverne robuste. Men der er ingen entydig opskrift på, hvordan man gør et barn robust, og den pædagogiske praksis, skolerne folder ud for at skabe robusthed, risikerer at være skrøbelig.

I artiklen analyserer vi en samtale om en 7. klasses folkeskoleelev, som har højt fravær. Vi viser, at det er blevet et ideal, at man samler mange professionelle med forskellige fagligheder for at afsøge problemerne og derigennem skabe nye løsningsmuligheder. I den samtale, vi analyserer, opstår en fælles forståelse, som går på, at problemet er elevens manglende selvtillid, dynamikkerne i familien og moderens tendens til depression. Den tværprofessionelle og problemafsøgende samtaleform kommer på den måde til at rette sig mod at se problemer med inklusion som et spørgsmål om at få elev og forældre til at tage ansvar for elevens selvinklusion. Vi rejser med artiklen spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt dette er særligt for denne samtale, eller den er eksempel på en mere generel tendens: En tendens til at problemer ses fra mange faglige vinkler, der alle har det til fælles, at løsningen placeres i familien, idet elevens selvforhold ses som forudsætning for elevens inklusion i folkeskolen.