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The concept of respect figures prominently in several theories on intergroup relations. Previous studies suggested that the experience of being respected is primarily related to the feeling of being recognized as an equal, as opposed to social recognition of needs or achievements. Those studies focused, however, on either minority groups or ad hoc groups, thereby possibly giving equality recognition an advantage. This article extends previous findings by comparing societal groups situated in various contexts. We examined eight groups from four countries. We anticipated and found that the link between respect and equality recognition was stronger for groups that are in the position of minorities compared to groups associated with majorities. Owing to the moral and legal force of the norm of equality, disadvantaged minorities in particular might be able to improve their societal position by founding their claims on the equality principle. Need recognition, in contrast, was less influential for minority groups than for majority groups. While we observed these context-dependent variations, an internal meta-analysis showed that feeling recognized as an equal was, overall, the strongest indicator for feeling respected. This suggests that demands for respect could often be addressed by establishing relationships in society that are based on mutual recognition as equals, while the implications of achievement and need recognition should additionally be considered in specific contexts.

Objectives Fostering the identification of societal minorities with the larger society is an essential political aim. In this article, we analyze whether minority members' perception of being recognized by society leads to a stronger identification with society, and whether this identification fosters more willingness to recognize other societal subgroups' members as equal members of society. Method Our analysis is based on both a cross-sectional (N = 1,059, 49% female, mean age = 31 years, 78% with migration background, i.e., first- to third-generation) and a longitudinal (N = 159, 57% female, mean age = 30 years, 76% with migration background) sample of Muslims living in Germany. Results Structural equation modeling and path analyses suggested that the perception to be recognized by society as equals yielded stronger identification with Germany. In contrast, the perception that one's needs are recognized had no effect on the identification with Germany, while the perception of achievement recognition even tended to decrease identification with Germany. Identification with Germany, in turn, led to an increased willingness of respondents to extend equality recognition to subgroups' members whose beliefs and/or practices our respondents (on average) disapproved. Conclusions When the societal majority imparts to minorities a sense of being recognized as equals, this equality recognition colors the broader societal framework within which intergroup relations take shape. We further suggest that-if it is desired that subgroups identify with society-the most viable option is a multicultural model of society, which enables minorities to simultaneously retain their subgroup identity. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

The article reports two studies in which we examined how the politicization of religious communities influences both affective and cognitive intergroup differentiation. In Study 1, we used a longit...

Our own prior research has demonstrated that respect for disapproved others predicts and might foster tolerance toward them. This means that without giving up their disapproval of others’ way of life, people can tolerate others when they respect them as equals (outgroup respect–tolerance hypothesis). Still, there was considerable variation in the study features. Moreover, the studies are part of a larger research project that affords many additional tests of our hypothesis. To achieve integration along with a more robust understanding of the relation between respect and tolerance, we (re)analyzed all existing data from this project, and we synthesized the results with the help of meta-analytic techniques. The average standardized regression coefficient, which describes the relationship between respect and tolerance, was 0.25 (95% confidence interval [CI] = [0.16, 0.34]). In addition to this overall confirmation of our hypothesis, the size of this coefficient varied with a number of variables. It was larger for numerical majorities than for minorities, smaller for high-status than for low-status groups, and larger for religious than for life-style groups. These findings should inspire further theory development and spur growth in the social-psychological literature on tolerance.

The article offers a new perspective on intergroup conflict. While building on social psychological foundations laid down in self-categorization theory, it is also critically informed by and incorporates insights from the neighboring disciplines of social, political, and moral philosophy. The new perspective is organized around the principal working hypothesis that many intergroup conflicts, especially those in modern, culturally diverse societies, can be fruitfully understood as politicized struggles for recognition. In addition, four more specific corollary hypotheses are proposed concerning polarization, respected collective identity, embedded dual identity, and tolerance. The new perspective shifts researchers’ attention to the multi-level nature of intergroup conflict and to the novel concepts of recognition and identity as a different equal.

In this research, we tested equality-based respect from ingroup members as a social antecedent of positive assertiveness (i.e., voicing one’s opinions) and group performance. A pretest with employe...

Using longitudinal research designs, we examine the role of politicization in the development of polarization. We conducted research in two different political and national contexts. In Study 1, we employ a panel sample of supporters of the Tea Party movement in the United States and examine the relationship between the strength of their politicization and their subsequent feelings towards conservatives versus liberals (affective polarization) as well as their subsequent perceptions of commonalities with conservatives versus liberals (cognitive polarization). In Study 2, we employ a panel sample of members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) community in Germany and examine the politicization-polarization link with regard to feelings towards, and perceived commonalities with, feminists versus supporters of a populist right-wing political party. We obtained converging evidence suggesting that politicization promotes both affective and cognitive polarization. There was also some, but very limited evidence pointing to reverse causation. The danger of escalating polarization is discussed.

In (post-)modern, plural societies, consisting of numerous subgroups, mutual respect between groups plays a central role for a constructive social and political life. In this article, we examine whether group members’ perception of being respected by outgroups fosters respect for these outgroups. In Study 1, we employed a panel sample of supporters of the Tea Party movement in the United States (N = 422). In Study 2, we employed a panel sample of members of the LGBTI community in Germany (N = 262). As disapproved target outgroups, we chose in Study 1 homosexuals in the United States, while in Study 2, we chose supporters of the German populist, right-wing political party „Alternative für Deutschland“. Our studies thus constituted a complementary, nearly symmetrical constellation of a liberal group and a conservative political group each. Among Tea Party movement supporters, respect from a disapproved outgroup consistently predicted respect for that outgroup. Among German LGBTI community members, this effect of respect from a disapproved outgroup was found in some of our analyses. For this latter sample, there was furthermore a tendency of societal respect to predict respect for a disapproved outgroup longitudinally. Additionally, we observed for both of our samples that respect from other ingroup members decreased respect for a disapproved outgroup. The dynamics of mutual respect in these two complementary intergroup contexts are discussed as well as the importance of direct intergroup reciprocity and superordinate group membership as routes to mutual respect.

We employed a longitudinal design to test two hypotheses concerning Muslims' respect for and tolerance towards disapproved outgroups. In support of the outgroup respect-tolerance hypothesis derived from the disapproval-respect model of social tolerance, our results strongly suggest that respect for disapproved outgroups is not just a correlate of tolerance towards those groups, but a causal antecedent. In support of the intergroup respect-reciprocity hypothesis, we identified respect from disapproved outgroups as an effective source of respect for disapproved outgroups and therefore also as a (distal) source of tolerance towards those groups. Normative and political implications are discussed.

Inspired by philosophical reasoning about the connection between equality and freedom, we examined whether experiences of (equality-based) respect increase perceived autonomy. This link was tested with generalized experiences of respect and autonomy people make in their daily lives (Study 1) and with more specific experiences of employees at the workplace (Study 2). In both studies, respect strongly and independently contributed to perceived autonomy over and above other forms of social recognition (need-based care and achievement-based social esteem) and further affected (life/work) satisfaction. Study 3 experimentally confirmed the hypothesized causal influence of respect on perceived autonomy and demonstrated that this effect further translates into social cooperation. The respect–cooperation link was simultaneously mediated by perceived autonomy and superordinate collective identification. We discuss how the recognition approach, which differentiates between respect, care, and social esteem, can enrich research on autonomy.

Past research indicates that in political debates the same arguments are judged very differently depending on the perceiver’s own position on the issue, because positions on controversial issues are often tied to collective identities. In this article, we test the assumption that equality-based respect from an opposing opinion-based group can reduce such biases. Results confirmed that identification as an opponent or proponent of a contested issue was negatively related to evaluations of outgroup arguments (Study 1) and that this negative link was no longer significant when intergroup respect was experimentally induced (Study 2). Results support the notion that disagreements over political issues are intergroup conflicts, in which different socio-political groups struggle for recognition, and that approaches that protect collective identities and improve intergroup relations should be employed to de-escalate them.

This article elucidates how members of the two largest immigration groups living in Germany (i.e., immigrants with a Russian or Turkish background) deal with and integrate values and practices deriving from their ethnocultural minority group and the larger society. A special emphasis of this article is on how context conditions form opportunities for varieties of acculturation and identification. The pattern of results suggests a taxonomy of immigrants’ acculturation, consisting of Blended Integration, Alternating Integration, Separation, and Dis-Integration. This taxonomy is based on immigrants’ integration of cultural aspects, while it proved to be analytically useful to conceptualize their national self-allocation as an additional dimension. Immigrants’ development of these different varieties was found to be linked to their perceptions of compatibility and acceptance by the larger society. Relative to immigrants with a Turkish background, immigrants with a Russian background experience less deep incompatibilities between values and practices deriving from the cultural groups, thus having more latitude for acculturation and integration. In contrast, immigrants with a Turkish background experience more challenges to acculturation and integration as a result of being confronted more frequently with incompatibilities and experience less societal acceptance. Further conceptual and societal implications are discussed.

This article examines the meaning of respect for evangelicals in Brazil. We were particularly interested in the roles which the recognition of equality, achievements and needs would play in the respect experiences of members of this religious minority. With regard to the sources of respect our focus was on Brazilians as a superordinate ingroup and on five different outgroups. As expected, equality recognition emerged as the dominant principle governing intragroup respect. Intergroup respect, however, was governed primarily by the principle of need recognition, especially in relations with religious outgroups. The principles of achievement and equality recognition also played a role in intergroup respect, but only in relations with secular outgroups. Implications for religious groups’ struggles for respect in modern society are discussed.

The article reports two experiments that examined politicization in the name of the majority population and intergroup polarization as a function of perceived grievances of the majority population. To manipulate perceived majority grievances, we used three different injustice frames (cultural, economic, political), each of which targeted an important arena of societal participation and thus a typical breeding ground for societal injustices and psychological grievances. In addition, both experiments included a (no frame) control condition. The samples recruited for the two experiments differed from each other in (left–right) political orientation and consequently in their perceptions of and reactions to potential majority grievances. The most striking differential influences were observed for the cultural grievance symbolized by the political correctness norm. However, both experiments provided evidence that majority politicization mediates the effect of majority grievances on intergroup polarization and that, in contrast to the divisive role of majority politicization, majority solidarity likely fosters social inclusion.

Two laboratory experiments tested the hypothesis that (equality-based) respect from outgroup members facilitates recategorization of the original ingroup and outgroup as a common group. In Experiment 1, we varied respect from outgroup members (low vs. medium vs. high) and measured recipients' willingness to recategorize. As predicted, high respect from an outgroup source increased willingness to recategorize as a common group relative to low respect. In Experiment 2, we orthogonally varied respect (low vs. medium vs. high) and its source (ingroup members vs. outgroup members) and employed a more differentiated recategorization measure including an intermediate or nested-group option (i.e., two subgroups of a common group). While the recategorization effect of high versus low respect from outgroup members was replicated, no such effect was observed for respect from ingroup members. Instead, there was some indication that, when it comes from ingroup members, a medium level of respect may be optimal for inducing a shift towards recategorization as a common group. Implications of the present research for the conceptualization of respect are discussed.

The article reports empirical research investigating what respect means for gays and lesbians. Drawing on Honneth’s social philosophical recognition theory, it was predicted and found that gays’ and lesbians’ experiences of being respected were primarily related to (perceived) social recognition as an equal as opposed to social recognition of needs or achievements. This finding was replicated across the contexts of family, friends and work. Also as expected, equality recognition figured less prominently in experiences of love and social esteem, which underlines that it plays a dominant role specifically in the meaning of respect. Need recognition consistently played a dominant role in the experience of love, while achievement recognition was dominant in the experience of social esteem, except in the context of family. Finally, the dominant role of equality recognition also held with regard to respect experienced at the level of society at large and across time. The relevance of broader discourses of socia...

The article examines the role of dual identification with both the ethnocultural ingroup and the society of residence in the politicization of migrants. The researchers employed a longitudinal and comparative research design with members of the two largest, but sociologically very different, migrant groups in Germany as research participants (i.e. Turkish migrants and Russian migrants). In line with prior work that has shown that, among members of aggrieved groups, dual identity functions as a politicized collective identity, we found that dual identification fostered political engagement among Turkish migrants. In contrast, Russian migrants reported no substantial grievances, and dual identification negatively affected their subsequent political engagement. The contributions of these findings to an articulation of research on politicization with research on intergroup conflict and a more comprehensive understanding of political phenomena driven by dual identification are discussed. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article examines the role of social recognition in the relationship between gay men's victimization and their life satisfaction. Using a comprehensive catalog of victimization, we obtained empirical evidence that strongly suggests that victimization negatively affects gay men's life satisfaction and that this relationship is mainly mediated by a perceived lack of social recognition in society. In addition, although active involvement in the gay community served as a coping mechanism, concealment of one's sexual identity played no role in the victimization–life satisfaction relationship, neither as a coping mechanism nor as a competing mediator. The mediational role of societal recognition underlines the importance of the symbolic meaning of victimization. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Building on theorizing in social and political philosophy the article illuminates the phenomenology of respect and examines its role in intergroup relations. The particular focus is on members of the gay and lesbian community in Germany, their respect experiences, and how these experiences relate to their attitudes towards Muslims. We predicted and found that the experience of being respected in society primarily reflected perceived recognition of gays and lesbians as equal members of society. In addition, we predicted and found that perceived respect from the Muslim community was negatively related to anti-Muslim attitude among gays and lesbians. The same was true for perceived respect from society at large. More specifically, respondents who felt respected by the majority of society showed lower levels of anti-Muslim attitude and, in line with the dominant status of perceived equality recognition in the experience of being respected, this decrease was fully mediated via an increase in perceived equality recognition.

Past research has demonstrated that equality-based respect is an important antecedent of positive social interaction and group-serving behavior. In the present research we tested whether intragroup equality-based respect affects perceptions of being treated as a human as well as self-dehumanization. In Experiment 1, we found that high respect received from fellow work group members heightens group members' sense of being treated as a human being, while low respect diminishes it. In Experiment 2, we secured evidence that (dis)respect also affected recipients' self-views in terms of self-dehumanization. More specifically, if respect was withheld by other ingroup members, fewer human nature and human uniqueness traits, as well as secondary positive emotions, were attributed to the self. This increase in self-infrahumanization was further related to higher endorsement of unethical behavior. We discuss the importance of equality-based respect for (de-)humanization processes in social groups.

The study presented in this article examined the role of social recognition as an equal in group members’ motivation to serve their ingroup as well as actual group‐serving behavior. We predicted and found that social recognition as opposed to non‐ recognition as an equal, communicated by fellow group members, increased participants’ group‐serving motivation and behavior. In addition, the psychological processes underlying this effect were examined. We theoretically derived a mediational chain, which was then tested empirically. As expected, social recognition as an equal led to experiences of being respected, and perceived equality of self played a mediational role in this relationship. The experience of respect, in turn, was associated with stronger collective identification, which played a mediating role linking the respect experience with higher motivation and better behavioral performance in group‐serving tasks. Moreover, these effects operated over and above group members’ perceptions of being liked by others. The practical and broader social implications of equality‐based respect are discussed. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The article examines the role of collective identification processes in the politicization of Russian migrants in Germany. Building on the assumption that politicized collective identity (PCI) is a dual identity, the authors predicted and found that dual identification as both Russian and German was positively related to politicization among members of the Russian minority in Germany. This relationship held up even when the influences of several sociodemographic variables, past political activity, and other forms of collective identification were statistically controlled. In addition, perceived maltreatment of Russian migrants in Germany moderated the relationship between dual identification and politicization in keeping with the theoretical assumption that the development of PCI presupposes high awareness of shared grievances. Finally, dual identification was unrelated to acceptance of political violence, but positively related to self-restriction to peaceful political means. The constructive role of politicization driven by dual identification in social integration is discussed.

It is argued that the power of collective identification to mobilize people for collective action such as social movement support derives at least partly from processes of identity affirmation. The hypothesized identity‐affirming function of social movement support is tested in two laboratory experiments which revolve around collective identity as a supporter of the peace movement. In Experiment 1, we predicted and found that people who strongly identified with the peace movement showed more movement support (i.e. made more monetary donations to the peace movement) under conditions of uncertain as opposed to certain possession of identity as a movement supporter. In Experiment 2, we replicated this finding, but also found, in accordance with the notion of substitution, that the mobilizing effect of uncertain collective‐identity possession was undermined when an identity symbol was available that could function as a surrogate for more costly identity‐affirming behaviour. Further conceptual and social implications of the identity‐affirming function of social movement support are discussed. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In this article I outline a principled social psychological approach to respect. As a first definitional approximation, I suggest that respect for someone involves the willingness to include that person as a factor in the psychological equation underlying self-regulation. I then review and discuss the fairly recent, but thriving, career of the notion of respect in social psychological research, with particular emphasis on intragroup respect. Next, I turn to conceptual specification and purification necessary for a principled approach to respect and discuss promising efforts to identify the critical social psychological principle or active ingredient of respect. In particular, I make out a case for an equality-based conception of respect in which recognition as an equal plays a central role. The final section examines further theoretical and practical implications of this conception including its relation and relevance to issues of social power.

The article assesses a disapproval-respect model of tolerance according to which tolerance is made possible when disapproval of others' beliefs, preferences, or practices is balanced by respect for them as equal fellow citizens. Employing a sample of Muslims living in Germany, we predicted and found that such respect was more predictive of outgroup toleration when respondents disapproved rather than approved of the outgroups' beliefs, preferences, or practices. Moreover, respondents who displayed the critical combination of extreme disapproval and full respect indeed showed outgroup toleration. A parallel pattern of results was observed for willingness to engage in intergroup cooperation. Practical implications are discussed.

The experiment (N = 80) tested whether the effectiveness of intragroup respect is moderated by structural (in)equality between the self and the rest of one's group. Equality (restricted vs. full rights) and respect (disrespect vs. respect) were manipulated as independent variables, while collective identification and willingness to engage in group-serving behaviour were the main dependent variables. Moderation was confirmed such that the positive effects of respect were more pronounced among group members with restricted rights than among group members with full rights. Moreover, respect fully compensated for the initial deficit in self-perception as a fully fledged group member. However, there was also some indication that, when money is at stake, formal guarantees of equality may be necessary for respect to have a facilitative effect on individual sacrifices for the sake of the group. The practical and political implications of the results are discussed.

This article outlines a new approach to the social psychology of power. Specifically, it challenges the currently influential conflictoriented dependence analysis, in which power operates as an almost exclusively repressive force. Drawing on relevant work from other social science disciplines, the article presents an identity model of power, in which both consensus and conflict play important roles. The model theorizes power as a productive as well as repressive force, and differentiates between social power toachieve desired outcomes and social power overothers (domination). The implications of the model for two classic issues in the power literature are considered: the relationship between power and status, and challenges to power (resistance and social change). The model's empirical potential is also discussed.

Four studies examined cognitive and affective experiences of minority and majority members. We predicted and found that minority members were more cognitively preoccupied with their group membership and experienced less positive affect as a consequence of their group membership than majority members. The first experiment established these effects with numerical minority and majority groups. The second experiment ruled out status as an explanatory variable, and the third experiment uncovered the role of power in the differential cognitive and affective experiences of minority and majority members. The final field study substantiated the ecological robustness of the experimental findings and provided further evidence for the role of power. The interrelation of status and power is discussed as well as the phenomenology of being a minority member.

The experiment (N = 67) tested whether the effectiveness of intragroup respect can be traced back to the symbolic value of intragroup respect as a sign or message of acceptance. In addition to intragroup respect, intragroup acceptance was manipulated as a second independent variable so that the hypothesized acceptance message of intragroup respect was either confirmed or undermined. Collective identification and willingness to engage in group-serving behaviour were the main dependent variables. Mediation tests—based on the experimental manipulations as well as additional measurement of the critical variables—provided no evidence that intragroup acceptance is the active ingredient of intragroup respect. Instead, we replicated the respect effects known from the literature and secured further evidence of their internal validity. We also found an effect of intragroup acceptance similar to that of intragroup respect, but the former was mediated by feelings of being liked which played no role in intragroup respect. Theoretical and methodological implications of the results are discussed. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The authors conducted a panel study with two points of measurement throughout a 12-month interval in the context of the German gay movement to test the predictive power of collective identification in subsequent actual social movement participation. Regression analyses including cross-lagged panel analyses clearly confirmed the hypothesized unique predictive value of identification with a formal social movement organization above and beyond the role the collective, normative, and reward motives traditionally considered in social movement research. Of the three motives, the normative motive was particularly predictive. Moreover, data from an additional telephone follow-up (3 years after the initial measurement) suggests that when the conflict with political opponents becomes particularly fierce, identification with the broader recruitment category, which was previously ineffective as a unique predictor, can politicize to such an extent that it also becomes a strong predictor of participation.

Building on an articulation of two influential social-psychological approaches, this chapter suggests a dual-pathway model of collective action. In line with traditional social movement research, o...

This experiment examined how (disrespectful vs. respectful) treatment and (negative vs. positive) performance evaluation, both received from the same fellow group members, affects collective identification and willingness to engage in group-serving behavior. It was predicted and found that respectful as opposed to disrespectful intragroup treatment increased collective identification and willingness to engage in group-serving behavior in the immediate group situation, irrespective of whether intragroup evaluation was positive or negative. There was also evidence of a mediating role of collective identification. Regression analyses based on the measurement of perceived intragroup treatment and perceived intragroup evaluation as continuous variables corroborated these findings but also pointed to limits of the positive effects of respectful intragroup treatment. Finally, the interrelation of treatment and evaluation by fellow group members as two possible components of intragroup respect are discussed as well as the political dimension of research on intragroup respect.

This article develops a social psychological model of politicized collective identity that revolves around 3 conceptual triads. The 1st triad consists of collective identity, the struggle between groups for power, and the wider societal context. It is proposed that people evince politicized collective identity to the extent that they engage as self-conscious group members in a power struggle on behalf of their group knowing that it is the more inclusive societal context in which this struggle has to be fought out. Next, 3 antecedent stages leading to politicized collective identity are distinguished: awareness of shared grievances, adversarial attributions, and involvement of society at large. This sequence culminates in the final triad because the intergroup power struggle is eventually triangulated by involving society at large or representatives thereof. Consequences of politicized collective identity are discussed.

This article presents a group-level perspective on helping that was tested in the context of AIDS volunteerism. It was predicted and found that homosexuals were more willing to volunteer when collective identification in terms of sexual orientation was high. The opposite trend was found for heterosexuals. Also as predicted, homosexuals were less willing to volunteer when identification as a unique individual was high, whereas the opposite was again true for heterosexuals. Thus, AIDS volunteerism emerged as a form of intragroup helping for homosexuals and as a form of interindividual helping for heterosexuals. In addition, identification with the AIDS volunteer service organization proved to be a positive predictor of AIDS volunteerism regardless of sexual orientation. Finally, two individual motivations emerged as positive predictors, namely, gaining knowledge and understanding emerged for homosexuals and expressing humanitarian values emerged for heterosexuals. The results are summarized in a dual-pathway model of volunteerism.

The authors examined the interactive influence of accessibility of the individual self and relative in-group size on group-level as opposed to individual-level information processing. In Expt 1, the authors predicted and found that, when accessibility of the individual self was low, minority members tended more towards group-level information processing than did majority members. This was not true when accessibility of the individual self was high. Contrary to the authors' hypothesis, however, the disappearance of the minority-majority effect in the high-accessibility condition did not result from a decrease in group-level information processing among minority members, but from an increase among majority members. Experiment 2 replicated this unexpected effect using two different measures of group level information processing. It also provided additional data on the dynamic interplay of the individual self and the collective self which seems to be responsible for the observed effects.

Building on a self-aspect model (SAM) of the individual self and the collective self, the authors hypothesized that personally important and positive aspects of the self would facilitate the construal of a collective self. Following a self-description task, research participants selected either two positive or two negative self-aspects. One aspect in each pair had to be of high personal importance and one of low personal importance. Then, measures of self-categorization, perceived ingroup and outgroup homogeneity and intergroup differentiation were administered. Our hypothesis received convergent support from all measures. It is concluded that personally important and positive self-aspects are very likely to function as meaningful social categories. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Determinants of collective behavior, as suggested by the social identity or self-categorization approach and social movement research, were examined in 2 field studies. Study 1 was conducted in the context of the older people's movement in Germany and Study 2 in the context of the gay movement in the United States. Both studies yielded similar results pointing to 2 independent pathways to willingness to participate in collective action; one is based on cost-benefit calculations (including normative considerations), and the other is based on collective identification as an activist. Study 2 included an experimental manipulation and provided evidence for the causal role of collective identification as an activist. Directions for future research on the proposed dual-pathway model are suggested. Members of disadvantaged groups who do not want to passively accept their lot have to find ways to improve their situation. To do so, they can adopt a variety of strategies that can range from individual strategies of social mobility to collective strategies of social change. The former rest on the belief that one's own position can be improved by moving from one social position to another as an individual (Tajfel, 1981). These individual strategies thus involve leaving a disadvantaged group physically or at least psychologically. Collective strategies, on the other hand, are adopted to the extent that a person believes that "the only way for him to change these [disadvantageous] conditions ... is together with his group as a whole" (Tajfel, 1981, p. 247). Collective strategies include not only militant forms of intergroup behavior or collective action such as revolts and strikes but also more moderate forms such as signing a petition or attending a group meeting. Although individual social mobility strategies are often pre

This chapter examines self-perception in minority–majority contexts. First, a self-aspect model of self-interpretation is outlined from which the distinction between the individual self and the collective self is derived. Next, the results from a series of experiments are discussed which examine the role of the collective self in minority and majority members' self-perception. This analysis takes into account not only minority–majority contexts characterized by an asymmetry in group size, but also contexts characterized by both size and status asymmetries. In addition, the role of several other factors is examined which are likely to further qualify self-perception in minority–majority contexts (i.e., meaningfulness of the underlying social categorization, accessibility of the individual self, and awareness of common fate). The chapter closes with a synthesis based on the “place metaphor”, which helps to integrate the present work into a more comprehensive perspective on the social self.

In two experiments, the role of the accessibility of the individual self as a moderator variable in processing information about attractive or unattractive in-groups was examined. An indicator of category-based in-group representation served as the main dependent variable. In Experiment 1, the authors predicted and found an interaction between accessibility of the individual self and in-group attractiveness. People exhibited more category-based representations for unattractive than for attractive in-groups when accessibility was low, but the opposite trend was observed when accessibility was high. Experiment 2 showed that the difference in category-based representations of unattractive versus attractive in-groups, given low accessibility of the individual self: depends also on relative in-group size. Here, only majority members, but not minority members, showed the critical effect. The results are discussed in terms of group members' self-evaluation concerns.

This article examines the role of dual identity in political radicalism among migrants. Dual identity is defined as identification with both one’s ethnocultural minority in-group and one’s society of residence. We employed a longitudinal research design using members of the two largest migrant groups in Germany (Turkish migrants and Russian migrants) as participants. We reasoned that when dual identity is burdened with incompatibility between component identifications, it may foster controversial or even destructive forms of political mobilization, such as radicalism. Multiple regression analysis controlling for other influences confirmed the hypothesized moderated relationship between dual identification and sympathy for radical action. When accompanied by high, as opposed to low, perceived identity incompatibility, dual identification predicted increases in sympathy for radical action among both Turkish migrants and Russian migrants. The implications for public life in ethnically and culturally heterogeneous societies are discussed.

In this reply, I criticize Bartsch and Judd's (1993) article on several grounds. First, they under-utilize the efforts undertaken in prior work to rule out the possibility of an inverse relation between group size and perceived group homogeneity as an alternative explanation of the observed ingroup homogeneity effect. Secondly, Bartsch and Judd's design doubles and thus aggravates the confounding problem. By trying to avoid the target group size confound, they end up with two other confounds involving level of abstractness and frame of reference. Finally, I criticize Bartsch and Judd's methodological advice to avoid within-subjects comparisons of ingroup and outgroup homogeneity in minority-majority contexts. Quite on the contrary, I highlight the social psychological significance of these comparisons. Bartsch and Judd (1993) argue that outgroup homogeneity effects occur independently of any tendency for members of minority groups to see their ingroup as more homogeneous than the majority outgroup. This argument is based on evidence ofan underlying outgroup homogeneity effect in a study which purports to unconfound the roles ofjudged group size and ingroup-outgroup judgement by presenting subjects first with a small or large ingroup (or outgroup) and then a small comparison outgroup (or ingroup). However, from the perspective of self-categorization theory (SCT), such a procedure actually introduces a confound as SCT predicts that when an ingroup is judged first it should be perceived as relatively heterogeneous due to the intragroup nature of this judgemental context. Close examination of Bartsch and Judd's data bears this point out: the tendency to see the ingroup as less homogeneous than the outgroup when the ingroup was judged first was extinguished when the ingroup was judged second even when the judged groups were of equal size. Consistent with SCT, this re-analysis suggests that manifestations of outgroup homogeneity are not independent ofcontextual factors which determine the relative appropriateness of category-based perception of ingroup and outgroup.

This article reports the results of a questionnaire study that examined the relationship between regional identification and perceptual accentuation of ingroup distinctiveness in a natural field setting. Respondents were male inhabitants of the Saarland which is a small German state. Half the respondents were members of the leading political party of the Saarland, while the other respondents were members of the major opposition party. As expected, the former showed more pronounced regional identification than the latter. Our main prediction was that a higher level of regional identification would be accompanied by stronger accentuation of positive distinctiveness of the regional ingroup relative to the national ingroup. The prediction was confirmed, both in terms of intergroup differentiation and perceived group homogeneity. Additional results suggest that, depending on the level of social identification, perceived group homogeneity may be either positively or negatively related to familiarity with the ingroup. Finally, we discuss the applicability of social identity theory to social contexts comprising differentially inclusive ingroups instead of mutually exclusive ingroups and outgroups.

A model of egocentric social categorization (ESC-model) is presented. It predicts an asymmetry in the cognitive construal of ingroups and outgroups which is traced back to an egocentrism in the cognitive differentiation of the social world. The more specific assumptions are: (1) At the most basic level of cognitive differentiation, the perceiver distinguishes between the categories ME and NOT-ME. (2) This basic level categorization predicates an asymmetry in the cognitive construal of ingroup and out-group as social categories: The ingroup is construed as a heterogeneous aggregate of separate entities and the outgroup as a homogeneous social category. (3) Egocentric social categorization thus facilitates self-definition in terms of personal identity relative to self-definition in terms of social identity. The ESC-model is highly relevant to research on perceived ingroup and outgroup homogeneity. Moreover, it alerts researchers to the possibility of ‘quasi-intergroup’ situations in which the outgroup, but not the ingroup, is a salient entity. This article also discusses the relationship between the ESC-model and self-categorization theory and points out some prospects for future research.

An experiment (n = 36) was conducted to test the hypothesis that attribute typicality moderates intragroup differentiation. The predicted reversal from perceived relative ingroup homogeneity on typical ingroup attributes to perceived relative outgroup homogeneity on typical outgroup attributes was confirmed for both homogeneity measures (standard deviation and probability of differentiation). But the ingroup homogeneity effects were more reliable than the outgroup homogeneity effects. Relative ingroup size (minority versus majority) was included in the experimental design as a between-subjects factor but did not qualify the reversal of perceived relative homogeneity.

Social psychological research concerned with ingroup favoritism in outcome allocation has primarily focused on group members' distribution of positive outcomes (e.g., money). In this article, two studies are presented which examine ingroup favoritism and fairness in negative outcome allocations. Study 1 tested whether mere categorization into ingroup and outgroup is sufficient to elicit ingroup favoring behavior even when a negative outcome (i.e., noise) is distributed. We assumed that intergroup discrimination would be less defensible in the case of negative outcome allocation and therefore expected fairness to have a much stronger impact on subjects' distribution choices than ingroup favoritism. As expected, fairness was the pervasive distribution strategy. But somewhat surprisingly no ingroup favoritism occurred at all. In the second study, it was predicted that group members would favor ingroup over outgroup even in negative outcome (i.e., unpleasant task) allocations, provided group members were particularly motivated to assure positive social identity. We manipulated relative group size and relative group status assuming that minority and low status group membership would confer an unsatisfactory social identity. As predicted, only minority and low status group members favored the ingroup over the outgroup. These studies should be read as a caveat against the silent generalization of research findings from the realm of positive to the realm of negative outcome allocations. Finally, we briefly discuss two orthogonal dimensions or axes along which various forms of intergroup discrimination can be distinguished.

This chapter investigates the influence of the intergroup context on the perception of ingroup and outgroup homogeneity. Specifically, three determinants of perceived group homogeneity which originate in the intergroup context are examined: (1) the numerical relation between ingroup and outgroup; (2) the relevance of the dimensions or attributes in question for ingroup definition or social identity; (3) the socially prevailing group stereotypes. It is shown that the outgroup homogeneity effect (i.e. the tendency to perceive more outgroup than ingroup homogeneity) is by no means a universal law—rather, both outgroup and ingroup homogeneity effects are found—and that models of category representation which ignore the influence of the intergroup context are insufficient. Finally, the relations between perceived group homogeneity and three other social psychological phenomena, namely minority influence, ingroup favouritism and self-stereotyping, are briefly discussed.

The article examines the role of collective identification processes in the politicization of Turkish migrants in Germany. Building on the suggestion that politicized collective identity is a dual identity, the authors predicted and found that dual identification as both Turkish and German was positively related to politicization among members of the Turkish minority in Germany. This relationship was found in both cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses and held up even when the influence of sociodemographic variables, past political activity, and other forms of collective identification were statistically controlled, suggesting a unique and causal role of dual identification. However, there was no evidence that dual identification fosters radicalization or even political violence. The implications for social integration of politicization driven by dual identification are discussed, as is the interplay of dual identification and separatist identification that could underlie the shift from involvement in normative politics to radicalization.