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This article offers a synthesis of and conclusion to the contributions included in the Special Issue‘Rethinking the European Social Market Economy’. Based on different understandings of citizen-ship in the European Union and the roles of the EU and its member states in providing social pro-tection arrangements, it develops a typology of four models of the EU’s role in social protection. Itthen discusses the contributions to this Special Issue in light of this typology and draws a numberof overarching conclusions.

The reasons and forms of the crisis of modern social policy are substantiated in the article. It is shown that after the end of the so-called “golden age” of the welfare state, industrialized countries faced the need to transform social policies. This need is caused by economic, demographic, political, socio-psychological factors, the impact of globalization and the socio-economic conditions of transition to a postindustrial society. This situation requires a permanent mutual adaptation of the economy, politics and the social sphere to the ongoing socio-economic changes that reflect the new, transitional state of the welfare state. The transformation of all spheres of the life activity of society under the influence of the socioeconomic changes that have taken place in recent years has been analyzed as a structural crisis of the welfare state at three levels: an individual, society and state. Globalization is presented as a separate threat to modern social policy. The need to strengthen the social functions of the state in conditions of increasing social costs of globalization is proved.

La aportación de esta Encíclica sobre la situación ecológica del planeta va más allá de los aspectos climáticos y medioambientales. Es una aportación societaria a la situación económica, social y ecológica. Es una relevante aportación de la Doctrina Social de la Iglesia Católica en torno a la actual configuración de la economía y de las finanzas, planteando la dimensión social como la situación que obliga a un cambio de comportamiento. La economía, la dimensión social y la ecología son, en los términos expresados por el Cardenal Marx, un objetivo integral. No se puede separar una de la otra. Es esa dimensión integral de los tres ámbitos que requiere una respuesta integral: es la dimensión societaria lo que constituye la crisis que afecta al actual momento de la Humanidad. Esta contribución se centra en el eje de pasar de las Ideas y valores reales a su realización, a los cambios de comportamiento que son necesarios: es el ordenamiento económico-societario planteado desde la dimensión ética de la economía y cómo se debe integrar la misma en la acción económica, social y ecológica en los procesos de la coordinación económico-social y en la articulación de las Instituciones. Se trata de orientar los tres ámbitos al “fin” último que es el “desarrollo integral de la persona”. Lo que representa ese cambio de paradigma que debe orientar la acción del hombre en los tres planos desde una acción integradora integrada en un Ordenamiento de una Economía Social de Mercado. This Encyclical’s contribution to the question of Planet Earth’s ecological situation goes beyond the climatological and environmental. It is a societal contribution to the economic, social and ecological situation. It is an important contribution to the Roman Catholic Church’s Social Doctrine with regard to the present configuration of the economy and finance, presenting the social dimension as the situation which will impose the necessity for a shift in behaviour. The economy, the social dimension and ecology are, in the terms expressed by Cardinal Marx, an integrated goal. One cannot be separated from the other two. This integrated dimension of the three ambits requires an integrated response: the societal dimension is that which has brought about the crisis that presently affects Humanity. At the centre of this contribution is the subject of passing from Ideas and real values to acting upon them; changing behaviour patterns that must be changed. Here, the Economic and Societal Ordering is approached from the ethical dimension of the economy and it addresses how to integrate this dimension into economic, social and ecological action in socio-economic coordination processes, as well as into the articulation of Institutions. It is a question of orienting the three ambits towards the final aim: the integrated development of the individual. This change represents a paradigm shift that must orient Man’s action on the three planes, springing from an integrating action, itself integrated into a Social Market Economy Ordering.

В статье охарактеризованы модели социально - ориентированных экономик. Проведено сравнение социальных моделей экономики. Определены критерии по которым различаются модели социальной рыночной экономики. Доказано, что в сегодняшних условиях хозяйствования формируется новая парадигма социальной политики, которая объединяет три силы: государство, рынок и гражданское общество. Выделены общие тенденции функционирования европейских социально - ориентированных экономик., В статті охарактеризовано моделі соціально-орієнтованих економік. Проведено порівняння соціальних моделей економіки. Визначено критерії, за якими розрізняються моделі соціальної ринкової економіки. Доведено, що за сьогоднішніх умов господарювання формується нова парадигма соціальної політики, що поєднує три сили: державу, ринок і громадянське суспільство. Виділено загальні тенденції функціонування європейських соціально-орієнтованих економік., In the paper the models of socially-oriented economies are characterized. It is revealed the concept of social market economy and social functions of the state. The composition of social policy is determined. It is characterized such models of socially-oriented economies as continental, Anglo-Saxon, Scandinavian, Southern European, neoliberal and paternalistic. It is proved that the most successful version of the welfare state is a Scandinavian welfare model. It is conducted the comparison of the social economy models. It is defined the criteria by which models of the social market economy differ. It is proved that under current economic conditions a new paradigm of social policy that combines three forces: state, market and civil society. It is highlighted the general trends of functioning of the European social-oriented economies.

The article is devoted comparison to planned and socially-market models of economic and social policy in the western and east German states during the period from the termination of the Second World War before merge of both states; to the various device of redistribution of the public blessings, a standard of living and state of the economy in the German states.

The social dimension of the EU2020 strategy poses some major issues regarding the role played by the citizens in the policy-making process. The analysis of the link between the EU2020 and the social economy is crucial in the current context of the economic and political crisis of the EU. The article's main goal is to demonstrate the implications of the social economy policies in constructing the European agenda. A theoretical approach on social economy and an overview on the EU2020 can reveal how political and non-political actors at the EU level operate with elements that mark common social policy goals. The instruments used by institutions are validated through specific values that are meant to target an active European citizenship. The neoliberal perspective behind the social economy system leads to a particular European construct.

Judge-made law has played a crucial role in the process of European integration. In the vertical dimension, it has greatly reduced the range of autonomous policy choices in the member states, and it has helped to expand the reach of European competences. At the same time, however, ‘integration through law’ does have a liberalizing and deregulatory impact on the socio-economic regimes of European Union member states. This effect is generally compatible with the status quo in liberal market economies, but it tends to undermine the institutions and policy legacies of Continental and Scandinavian social market economies. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, this structural asymmetry cannot be corrected through political action at the European level. 1. Integration through politics and integration through law 2. Judicial deregulation and legislative liberalization 3. The vertical and horizontal impact of integration by law 4. Conclusion Acknowledgements References

"The German business ethics discussion differs fundamentally from the English debate. One reason for the difference lies in the specific political perspective of social responsibility. In the tradition of German Social Market Economy social efforts widely have been seen rather as a function of governmental social policy than as a specific task of corporations. This might explain why business ethics for long time was not seen as a topic of business education. Due to various reasons the situation has changed. Nevertheless, business ethics in German economic faculties is taught rarely and in most cases is not part of the core curriculum. The following article wants to map the territory and to provide an overview of the actual situation." (author's abstract)

Das Gesellschaftsmodell der westeuropäischen Nachkriegsepoche war Ergebnis des Versuchs einer doppelten Versöhnung: zwischen Demokratie und Kapitalismus und zwischen Arbeit und Kapital. In allen westeuropäischen Ländern räumte die tatsächliche Verfassung von Staat und Wirtschaft den organisierten Großklassen der Industriegesellschaft einen privilegierten Status ein: Dachverbände von Arbeitnehmern und Unternehmen bildeten eine "zweite Regierungsebene", mit der sich die demokratisch gewählte staatliche Regierung weite Bereiche der öffentlichen Macht teilte, letztlich diente dieses Arrangement vor allem der Institutionalisierung der Gewerkschaften in einem sozialstaatlichen und "partnerschaftlichen" Kontext. Der vorliegende Beitrag betrachtet diesen "Euro-Korporatismus" im Kontext sowohl der Geschichte der europäischen Integration als Teil der Geschichte des Nachkriegskapitalismus in Westeuropa, als auch der Interaktion zwischen europäischer und nationaler Ebene der Politikformulierung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung. Die These dabei ist, dass die Entwicklung des Integrationsprozesses ebenso wie die des modernen Kapitalismus die Vorstellung obsolet gemacht hat, ein geeintes Europa könne politisch nach dem Muster eines klassenkorporatistischen Tripartismus von Staat, Unternehmen und Gewerkschaften organisiert werden. Im Gegenteil hat die europäische Integration in der Gestalt des "neoliberalen Projekts" wirksam zur Auflösung klassenkorporatistischer Strukturen auf der nationalen Ebene beigetragen, insbesondere - wie gezeigt wird - zur Schwächung oder gar Entmachtung der Gewerkschaften. (ICA2)

"Zu den prägenden Diskursen in der normativen Begründung der Sozialpolitik gehören die im Kontext der katholischen Soziallehre angesiedelten Beiträge des Solidarismus, deren Gehalte im zeitgenössischen Kontext der sozialreformerischen Beiträge der Historischen Schule zu bewerten sind. Diese Einordnung des Solidarismus erlaubt eine ethisch fundierte Betrachtung der politischen Ökonomie des Wohlfahrtsstaats und seiner immanenten Entwicklungsdynamik vor dem Hintergrund des Konzepts der sozialen Marktwirtschaft." (Autorenreferat) "Recognising the interdenominational conflicts that have shaped the historical formation of the German welfare state, this paper examines the specific contributions of Catholic social thought, as outlined in the solidaristic approach of Heinrich Pesch SJ. The programmatic framework of Pesch's solidarism is explored in the context of the contemporary discourse on social policy that was promoted by the Historical School, in particular by Adolph Wagner, Gustav Schmoller and Werner Sombart. The leitmotif of that conceptual reconstruction is provided by the normative foundations of social policy in terms of an institutional regulation of socio-economic change. The ensuing comparative assessment is meant to contribute to an understanding of the intellectual history of the German welfare state." (author's abstract)

In recent years, ,globalization" or ,growing international economic interdependence", which we will use as synonyms here, has generally been understood as offering many opportunities for newly industrialized economies like Korea (here used as an abbreviation for Republic of Korea or South Korea). However, serious challenges are also associated with it. Whereas some time ago, the renowned ,citadels" of learning and policy consulting have taken little notice of this darker side of economic internationalization, recently the perception seems to have changed. In its May 1997 World Economic Outlook, the International Monetary Fund (IMF 1997) extensively discussed the opportunities and challenges of globalization, concentrating on the latter. And the Washington-based Institute for International Economics has begun to publish a couple of books, attempting to ,provide an objective and thorough reassessment of the case for and against globalisation" (Bergsten 1997: vii). The institute, which was frequently quite perceptive of upcoming intellectual and political moods in recent years, suspects that - in the words of its director, C. Fred Bergsten - ,the United States will soon engage in a fundamental debate on the country's trade, and perhaps its overall international economic policy".

IntroductionIn Article 3 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) the Union commits itself to combating social exclusion and discrimination as well as to promoting social justice. This does not change the fact, though, that the ability and/ or commitment to create a genuinely inclusive society varies considerably between the EU Member States (cf. e.g. Schraad-Tischler and Kroll, 2014). In the recent years the agenda of the Union's highest political body, the European Council, was dominated by the economic and financial crisis in a manner that somewhat marginalised the Union's social policy and social investment. The structural reforms and austerity policies pursued during the crisis with a view to stabilizing national economies and budgets have by and large produced an adverse effect on the implementation of social justice on the European continent, reducing the performance of national social security systems, thus 10.14254/2071789X.2017/10-3/17 aggravating social divide and letting youth unemployment grow to ever-new record heights. This development has inevitably posed a stress test for the credibility of Union's commitment to the promotion of social justice, internally and world-wide.In order to critically assess whether the EU lives up to this challenge, it is necessary to analyse both the tools the Union has at its disposal as well as the manner they have been applied to date in pursuance of these aims. Whilst the main objective of this paper is to attempt to define the impact of the EU basic economic principles on its policy in social matters, the contribution also offers nuanced argumentation transgressing this thematic scope and suggesting pathways and opportunities for further research. The applied research methodology includes a combination of theoretical and analytical methods.1.The laborious development of the Union's social dimensionIn order to fully appreciate the state of the art in the EU's social policy of today, it is vital to be aware of its development in a diachronic perspective. At their very origins, the European communities (the European Coal and Steel Community as of 1952 and the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community as of 1957) provided for merely economic integration and cooperation of the founding states. In time the said economic cooperation covered a broader scope of areas (the objective of achieving a single market, the development of environmental and energy policies as well as of measures leading to the Economic and Monetary Union) and it included more countries. Thus economic integration was a continuous driving force behind a process of Europe's political integration and it remains so also to date.Prior to the Treaty of Maastricht which came into force on 1 November 1993, the European Economic Community's (EEC) legal framework for social policy was absolutely minimalist. Whilst Article 117 of the EEC Treaty provided for the necessity to improve working conditions and standards of living of workers, most relevant Community secondary legislation on employees' rights in the event of collective redundancies, transfer of undertakings and the employer's insolvency was enacted first after mid-1970s.1 Albeit the rule of equal pay for equal work of women and men was since the founding of the EEC enshrined in a directly applicable Treaty provision (Article 119 EEC), legislation implementing the principle of equal treatment of men and women in employment was adopted in 1975/76 only.2 The systems of social security remained (and still remain) on a strictly national basis. The access of nonnationals to such systems was and is governed by specific regulations and complemented by the non-discrimination rules. A certain turning point towards a more comprehensive approach consisted in the establishment of the Union citizenship by the Treaty of Maastricht, which facilitated judicial advance of social and labour rights. The Treaty provisions on Union citizenship imply for host Member States a need to show a certain degree of financial solidarity with the nationals of other Member States provided that they have established a "genuine or real link" with the society of the host Member State. …