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South Africa and Brazil are notorious for having some of the highest levels of (racialised) inequality on the planet, and dysfunctional education systems failing millions in their aspirations for a better life. Over 2015-16, student protests erupted across Brazilian and South African schools and universities, challenging these conditions through strikes, occupations, on-campus and street protests, and intellectual production. This paper builds on a World-Systems theoretical framework to understand the similarities, circulation, and distance between the two contemporaneous movements. In Brazil, the ‘Primavera Secundarista' high school occupations dealt primarily with local political dynamics, such as school closures, and intersectional forms of oppression. In South Africa, the ‘Fallist' university mobilisations demanded free, decolonised education, alongside addressing issues of outsourcing and institutional racism. In the first section, I give a comparative overview of these student movements’ similarities, situating them in their context and highlighting the key concerns and political and pedagogical practices of student activists in each. While these movements did not generally engage with each other, there were some important points of interaction, discussed in the second section. While highlighting these points of connection, I also advance an argument in the third section for why there was nevertheless relatively little direct engagement between these contemporaneous movements that otherwise had so much in common. The points of connection and disconnection between these similar movements offers insights about the functioning of the contemporary World-System and the modes of transnational circulation between movements therein, with lessons for transnational understandings of social movements, especially South-South movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The text is the result of bibliographical and exploratory research carried out in 2021. The proposed theme is the reflection on the Student Movement as part of the training of the interviewed subjects. The research carried out considered the bibliography of social movements as a theoretical basis, the history of the student movement in Brazil, pointing out articulations with other countries, and the survey, via form, of memories of former students of the Federal University of Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS ), about experiences lived in the student movement. As a result, the analysis of the content and criticism of the testimonies allow us to point out continuities and changes in the repertoires of student struggles, the persistent demands, as well as inferring about the educational dimension of the student movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research seeks to compare the socio-political scenarios in which the university student movements of Brazil and Venezuela have developed. A historical summary of the political development of both countries during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries will be made, comparing their democratic and dictatorial cycles chronologically, then a brief summary of the most important moments and actions of the university student movements of both countries and their leaderships will be presented, to finally establish differences and similarities between the two movements. The category chosen for the study is part of the approach of Maria da Glória Gohn for the study of social movements, a conceptual scheme that allows adequate delimitation and approximation to the movements of interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many social theorists have drawn on Freud to analyse authoritarian minds. The literature on deconditioning, on the deliverance from slavish desires, is considerably less robust. This essay brings to the fore the fundamental problems facing psychiatric professionals who hope to contribute to the deconditioning process, by contextualizing the work of the Italian psychoanalyst, Elvio Fachinelli. It shows that, making creative use of Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Jacques Lacan, Monika Seifert and others, Fachinelli not only developed original analyses of anti-authoritarian social movements but also advanced concrete suggestions for how psychoanalysts might strike at the roots of mass conformism by facilitating revolutionary forms of repetition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent protests throughout the world have fueled debates about how social movement organizations use digital tools. In this article, we analyze the variety of digital activist practices (DAPs) enacted by Chilean student movement organizations over time (2011–2016). We define DAPs as proactive actions that seek to achieve political impacts in a particular context through the use of digital tools. Based on content analysis of Facebook posts and in-depth interviews with key informants, we show that movement actors have appropriated digital tools in diverse and asymmetric ways, and that asymmetries have remained constant over time. The article also shows that DAPs sponsored by organizations vary across three dimensions: online presence, goals, and the audiences to which they speak. This variation is explained by differing levels of financial and human resources, and, most importantly, by the choices actors make as they interpret political constraints and challenges in particular contexts. These choices are, in turn, informed by the political views of rotating sets of student leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at explaining the emergence and magnitude of student protests in Chile in 2011 and in Quebec in 2012. These two societies witnessed unprecedented levels of student mobilization that cannot be accounted for simply by pointing out existing resources and political cultures. Although the latter did play a role in shaping the mobilization – insofar as in both Chile and Quebec the student movement is well organized, is composed of dense networks of formal as well as informal organizations and has been characterized by contentious practices for a long time – they cannot alone explain the timing and the duration of the 2011–2012 protests. The authors thus propose to treat organizational resources and political culture as initial conditions and draw on the work of McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly to focus on three processes that were critical in determining the growth and trajectory of the conflict: (1) mediation, as a result of communication and coalition work among student organizations and the emergence of new collectives that redefined past lines of division; (2) polarization, as a result of both a closed structure of political opportunities and a radicalization of student demands; and (3) spillover, as student movements extended beyond initial issues and goals and fostered other mobilizations. These three processes did not evolve in sequence but instead in parallel, conditioning one another. By showing that similar mechanisms can generate relatively similar effects in different contexts, this study contributes to assessing their robustness. Furthermore, by comparing a case from the Global North with one from the Global South the study contributes to making social movement studies less parochial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1884, an Anglican clergyman and staff and students from Oxford University set up a 'settlement house' in the East End of London. Conceiving poverty in moral and aspirational terms, their goal was to live with the poor to raise their cultural standards, and thus pull them out of the cycle of destitution. The idea soon spread to the United States. That the Settlement movement would travel across the Atlantic is no surprise: there was rich exchange between the UK and US in the late nineteenth century, and the values underpinning the movement were shared. But what is perhaps less expected is that the Settlement movement also travelled to Japan where it was put into practice by a range of governmental and non-government actors including students at Tokyo Imperial University in the wake of the 1923 Great Kantō Earthquake. The movement then flourished for almost a decade, before coming to an end in 1938. How was it adapted to the Japanese context? What were its goals, methods, successes and failures? And what can this example tell us about the global circulation of ideas regarding social responsibility, the state and welfare in the inter-war period? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One particularly striking aspect of the global waves of social movements is the increasing politicization of youth, including students. Taking this as its starting point, this article discusses what the politicization of youth could mean for democracy and democratization in Turkey. This is important because, especially since 2011, Turkish politics has been dominated by debates concerning authoritarianization. Focusing on the largest student organization in Turkey, the Student Collectives (SC), this article shows that the relationship between politicization and democratization is more complicated than at first sight. Some aspects of the student movement in Turkey suggest it is an important moment of democratization in Turkey while other aspects arouse scepticism. Three crucial indicators of a movement's democratic potential are whether it attends to deciphering the existing constellation of power relations, reflects on the possibility of installing a counter-hegemony and gives importance to collective identities. However, the SC's potential democratic contribution is weakened by its conceptualization of democratic struggle in terms of antagonism rather than agonism through 'moralizing' politics. Moreover, its reluctance to engage with institutions of representative democracy further complicates the matter. The main contribution of this study is its discussion of various forms of politicization and their possible effects on democratization; and to give some clues to the activists of different social movements that can be helpful in their self-reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines media representations of statements made by the 2012 student movement in Hungary. We analyzed a total of 138 articles from two main Hungarian online journals. We found that both outlets focused strictly on the movement's specific claims about educational policy but neglected to report on the broader political-ideological claims that it made. The emphasized claims reflected the specific political agenda of each outlet, with both newspapers also framing events according to the outlook of Hungary's dominant political establishment (Fidesz). We then traced the dialogue between the Hungarian government and the student movement over time. We found that the movement was the much more active partner in this dialogue. We coded the co-occurrences of psycholinguistic markers, testing perspectivetaking as a requirement for dialogue. The results indicated that the dialogue was a pretense of negotiation from the government and ended with insignificant adjustments to its original plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Social movements can influence the expansion of social policy through three mechanisms: directly through protest; indirectly by means of persuasion through public opinion; and indirectly through representative bodies and the bureaucracy. • The Chilean student movement used all three mechanisms to shape the expansion of the free college tuition policy and achieved its greatest impact through representatives in Congress and political placements in the Executive. • Although it played an important role during the second Bachelet administration in defining the pace and scope of the policy, it could not imprint all of its demands, especially after free tuition advanced through the policy process. Scholars have long sought to establish the strategies through which social movements can impact policy adoption. Yet, there is little evidence on the role they may play in policy expansion. We study the role of social movements in broadening the scope of social policies by analyzing whether Chile's student movement impacted the expansion of the free college tuition policy between 2015 and 2020. We evaluate three mechanisms to assess the student movement's influence on free tuition expansion. First, movements may use protests to affect the expansion process through disruption. Second, they can make use of their connections with and presence in parties and the bureaucracy to channel their demands and influence decision-making instances. Finally, movements may also try to shape public opinion to affect the scope of the policy through mobilizations and other forms of influence. We use a process tracing design to examine these mechanisms. We collect and analyze evidence from 32 elite interviews, congressional and administrative records, web scraped news, and public opinion and protest event data. Our results show that students influenced the implementation and expansion of the free tuition policy through all mechanisms using different strategies. First, students used protests to set free tuition in the public agenda. Second, and the most important strategy, by means of connections with incumbent parties and the presence of former student activists in the Education Ministry and in Congress, they indirectly influenced policy expansion. Finally, and indirectly, they shaped public opinion in favor of free tuition. Students played a role in defining the pace and scope of the policy but could not imprint all their demands. Overall, our analysis sheds light over the ways in which social movement can influence the implementation of policies, thus, expanding the scope of equity-enhancing social policies in Latin America and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements do not appear spontaneously. They are rooted in cultures and contexts and their evolution depends both on macro structural factors and on the action and organisation of pre-existing actors. In particular, the anti-austerity protest events that characterised southern European countries in the last few years cannot be understood through a focus on them as isolated incidents. They need, instead, to be analysed as part of a cycle of protest. Furthermore, some of their components are rooted in the activity and elaboration of pre-existing actors. We contribute to this issue by analysing the role of the student movement in the lead up to the anti-austerity mobilisations in Italy and Spain. This analysis allows us to show that a relevant component of the discourse of anti-austerity mobilisation comes from a long-standing trajectory of critique of neoliberalism, and that specific actors in specific fields of action reshaped and recontextualised this heritage in the context of the economic crisis, paving the way, at least from the discursive point of view, for the emergence of anti-austerity mobilisations. Our analysis, based on qualitative interviews of Italian and Spanish activists, point outs how student activists acted as initiators of anti-austerity mobilisations and as brokers in the adaptation of the anti-neoliberal discourse in the new context, with the goal of addressing a wider audience. We stress that pre-existing political trajectories play a significant role in the development of social movements, we highlight the importance of discursive continuities of cycle of protest and we argue that this role needs to be taken into account, together with structural factors and political processes, in understanding protest. Furthermore, we aim to contribute to the study of social movement continuities and cross-temporal diffusion, pointing out the active role of movements in this process in a dialectic relationship with the structural context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Mexican student movement of 1968 and, more specifically, the protestors' different assessments of the role of education in social transformation. Based on a historical and qualitative methodology, supported by primary and secondary sources as well as interviews of specialists, it locates the Mexican movement among the great struggles that Latin America experienced during the final quarter of the 20th century. In doing so, it identifies the features the movement shared with other great student uprisings in the región and characterizes the four main demands that it defended: protection of democratic freedoms, preservation of university autonomy, construction of university militancy, and greater popular participation in the movement. This strategy will make it possible to conclude that for many of the protestors, although never for all of them, education could indeed collaborate in the task of forming more just societies, either by contributing knowledge so as to eliminate ignorance, or by providing tools to end domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2008 was full of “celebration” about the mythical 1968. Even referring to recent cases historically, universities, newspapers and television networks devoted their attention to the forty years of the largest political demonstration Brazilian student. Besides remembering the student uprising, the paths that led some of its members to the armed struggle, we must think what is left of this movement to contemporary politics. Since the two main student struggles to guarantee excellence of the university and public repudiation of the military regime, namely the current political model in the period, it is interesting how these same people act when they are then members of the political elite. Using as a way of working tools for the study of ‘Oral History’ and ‘Paths of Life “as interviews to develop a path analysis, this research seeks to infer the social structures of the period, through conversations and oral accounts of some of the leaders Student 1968. From personal memories, it is possible to understand the functioning and the various steps of the path of action of components of the ME domes along the military regime, the social, political, historical particularities and the movement and its key leaders. The uniqueness of man is also a way of revealing how people universalized through their lives and their actions, the historical era in which they live, thus revealing hidden pathways still a movement that was also trainer of the contemporary political scene.

The Spanish government's “Ley Orgánica de Universidades” (which entailed a controversial reorganisation of Higher Education in Spain) provoked widespread protest towards the end of 2001. The reaction in Galicia was especially notable for the number of people involved, and the degree and intensity of their protests. In this essay I examine the key factors behind the strong reaction in Galicia, using three classic theories in the study of the collective action: mobilization of resources, political opportunity and frame analysis.

The longest and largest student strike in Canadian history began in Quebec in the spring of 2012 in resistance to proposed tuition hikes and the increasing privatization of education and public services that this signaled. The symbol of the student movement, the red square (denoting ‘squarely in the red’ or ‘squarely in debt’) quickly went ‘viral’. At its height, an estimated 300,000 students were striking – nearly 75% of Quebec’s post-secondary student population; on May 22nd some 500,000 people marched in support. The strike continued for six months, ending only after the government was overturned and a new government cancelled the tuition increase. The redeployment of local protest repertoires, including traditional tactics such as picket lines combined with inclusive and creative tactics popularized in alter-globalization movements. Formal student associations combined with various ad hoc coalitions and organizations, as well as communitarian groups, in an uneasy alliance to create a mass mobilization that some commentators dubbed Québec’s ‘Maple Spring’. This article documents the transformation of what Tilly has called ‘repertoires of contention’ within the context of the Quebec student movement. In so doing, it highlights some of the principle debates concerning social values and distributions of agency that resurfaced in connection with the diverse tactics that formed the ‘new’ combinational repertoire. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Vingtième Siècle is the property of Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on debates on deliberative and participatory democracy, I argue that social movements can be considered to be promoting democratization when they are able to compel governments to increase effective participation in the policy-making process, and/or when their democratic claims are translated into an agenda and/or policy impact. This indicates that a social movement has increased the responsiveness of the government it is challenging. Based on this premise, in this paper, I trace the political impact of the Student Movement in Chile. Spearheading the largest protests since the reinstatement of democracy, in 2006, and most notably, in 2011, the Student Movement forced a debate on education and political reforms, and a series of policies to address these issues. The analysis is grounded on more than 50 interviews, and an exhaustive analysis of organizational documents and newspaper data. The case examined in this paper illustrates how the expansion of political opportunities that is necessary for pursuing democratizing reforms not only is driven "from above," but also "from below." Studying this process, social movement scholarship can learn a great deal from recent cases of social mobilization in Latin America. These experiences also call for more attention to the role of social movements in democratization studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper provides a report on the Chilean student movement, 2011 - 2014, from the perspective of the students themselves, based on the main research question: are the student protests for reform or revolution? The research data was collected during October 2013 before the Chilean Presidential and Parliamentary elections using the methodology of 'live methods', including ethnography to capture the live action we are researching as well as a particular analytical framework through which the action can be interpreted. The analytical framework is made up of paradigms which seek to understand radical political social transformation: charisma, social movement theory, an historical-materialist political economy, and a critique of political economy based on an interpretation of Marx's labour theory of value in a postcolonial context. We refer to this methodology and methods as 'political sociology for action'. Each of these paradigms are elaborated with reference to an exemplary publication that deals with the Chilean situation in particular and Latin America more generally. The paper maintains that the students have developed a sophisticated consciousness in relation to the problems and possibilities of charismatic leadership, an awareness of the power and complexity of their own position as a social movement, together with a strong understanding of the need to contextualise their resistance within a particular version of political economy: neoliberalism. The paper suggests that a paradigm based on a critique of political economy can provide a foundational analysis for further understanding political society. Taken together: the methods of reporting 'live methods' along with this analytical framework, the paper argues that political sociology for action provides a realistic estimate of the powers required not only to interpret history, but to transform it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is intended as an approximate analysis of the most important student magazine in UNLPam from 1982-1987. It proposes to examine University Magazine, one of the cultural productions with deepest roots consistency and involvement in the reconfiguration of the of the post-dictatorship student movement. University Magazine was a material and intellectual experience that brought a large group of students from the Faculty of Humanities together. It participated in the student scene as an instituting and rebellious instance against the disciplinarian effects that state terror had deployed in the social / cultural sphere since its inception as a de facto government. It was an experience which stood at a distance both from party organizations and the unions (student centers, federations, etc.), whose praxis became as an exemplary statute deployed as a multiplier space through art and culture in the vast field of social and popular struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article provides a reconstruction of the historiographical argentine student movement of the University Reform, which started in Cordoba in 1918 and influenced students and intellectuals from Chile, Peru, Colombia and other countries of Latin America - and proposes an interpretation: in the interwar period, the reform movement was a social movement. Its decline as a social movement correlates with the end of the second world war and the birth of peronism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This profile looks at how students at the University of the West of England (UWE) undertook direct action in protest against the British government's cuts to educational funding in the higher education sector. Situating the in the broader context of the struggle against cuts to education, the authors observed the organisation of students, interviewing them and holding focus groups to get a full picture of the growth of the movement and the UWE occupation. The profile considers the motivations of participants, the impact participation had on individuals and explains the effectiveness of the occupation in a number of aspects. The research found that the occupation played an important role in the broader anti-cuts movement, in publicising the cuts agenda and mobilising resistance against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Política & Sociedade: Revista de Sociologia Política is the property of Revista Politica & Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are various assessments, occasion-related and partial analyses, and even empirical evaluations of the recent collective protest of Croatian students, but there is hardly any attempt of a theoretical clarification and comprehension thereof. Having in mind the largely disparate definitions of social movement, the author is of the opinion that, from the standpoint of theory, the demands of rebelled students, the blockade of the faculty, the plenum decision-making and other forms of collective student activity can best be perceived as a form of student movement. For this reason, he first presents various theories of social movements: the classic American theory of collective behaviour (i.e. its two versions -- the breakdown theory and the theory of relative deprivation), the theory of resource mobilization, the theory of new social movements (especially Touraine's model of understanding new social movements), the theory of networks, the theory of solidarity, and the political-process analysis. Second, the author attempts to apply each of the enumerated conceptual perspectives to the Croatian student movement for charge-free education. Although the presented theories of social movements are critical of one another, this article points out their complementarity. It goes on to show that not all of them are equally adequate for clarification and comprehension of the central issue. In the author's judgement, one of the key reasons why a multi-perspective approach is necessary is the exceptional, hybrid character of the Croatian student movement, as a mixture of old and new social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Herbert Marcuse, the prominent intellectual leader of the student movement in the 1960s, is undoubtedly one of the greatest utopians in modern times. For him utopianism was not so much an unrealistic socioeconomic or political vision of a future society, but rather a vision which breaks radically with the prevailing social thinking, including its 'visions' of future society. The 'end of utopia' is the realization of a possible social utopia. In developing his utopia—in Soviet Marxism, Eros and Civilization, Psychoanalyse und Politik, Gesprache mit Herbert Marcuse, and other works—Marcuse drew upon the Marxian idea of abolition of labor. Marx himself seems to have retreated from this idea. As the other 'abolitions', i.e. the abolition of private property (exploitation) and the abolition of the state, are predicated upon the abolition of labor, this also means a retreat, at least partially, form the theory of liberation from all forms of exploitation and domination. Marcuse resumed the centrality of the abolition of labor in the non-exploitative society: 'It is identical with the transition from capitalism to socialism, if socialism is defined in its most utopian terms: namely, among others, as the abolition of labor...that is to say, life as an end in itself.' In reviving the Marxian idea of abolition of labor Marcuse 'eroticized' non-instrumental production (non-labor production). For him, erotic activity, in a broad sense, was identical with non-instrumental activity. He viewed the pleasure principle in Freud's theory as a principle that stands for non-instrumental activities and non-instrumental society in general. Socialism is all but turning again this principle (which had also appeared in ancient hedonistic socio-philosophical streams) that has been suppressed in the course of human history, into the new basis of society. Thus, productive activity would become play, or sensuous artistic activity. This new, sensuous activity (sensuous, 'erotic' non-labor) would become pivotal in the new, non-exploitative social relations, also envisaged as 'feminist socialism'. The student movement and the New Left were not always aware of the radical, utopian nature of the vision of their intellectual 'father'—a vision, which also involved the transformation of technology into 'convergence of technique and art'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mediacoes is the property of Universidade Estadual de Londrina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mediacoes is the property of Universidade Estadual de Londrina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Spanish government's "Ley Orgánica de Universidades" (which entailed a controversial reorganisation of Higher Education in Spain) provoked widespread protest towards the end of 2001. The reaction in Galicia was especially notable for the number of people involved, and the degree and intensity of their protests. In this essay I examine the key factors behind the strong reaction in Galicia, using three classic theories in the study of the collective action: mobilization of resources, political opportunity and frame analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ‘Wild Lily’ student sit‐in in March 1990 was often praised in the later political transformation process as a crucial moment when the ‘pure and innocent’ students facilitated democratization in Taiwan. From the perspective of a participant in the protest, the author argues that the sit‐in was actually a failure of the ‘popular democratic’ wing of Taiwan's student movement in the 1980s, which championed a more radical vision of democracy. The idea of ‘popular democracy’ was an anti‐elitist ideology arising from critiques on the elite‐led political reform movement. However, due to its historical constraint, practices along this line were unable to alter the bourgeois democratic character of 1980s' democratization process in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]