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This study was undertaken during the October Revolt, a period of demonstrations, discontent with the government and confrontations between protesters and the police (Carabineros de Chile) and armed forces. We used archaeological tools to shed light on clashes between the police forces demonstrators, and on the ways this conflict took shape. Our analysis refers to locations that we call Sites of Demonstration and Protest (SDP) and Nuclei of Repression and Self-Defense (NRS). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research tries to comprehend the societal beliefs and the collective emotions about the social protest in the context of peacebuilding. It was used a qualitative methodology with hermeneutical approach, and it was made an analysis of content about what was said in the semi-structured interviews of 18 participants that were classified in three groups according to their position about the social protest: a group in favor, a group against it, and a third one with an ambivalent position. As a result, there were contrasted the positive societal beliefs and the collective as empathy, understanding against prejudices and stigmata. There were emerged beliefs about the "other" as an opponent and enemy, expressions of social distance between groups, discrimination, exclusion, and hate. The mass media were identified as configuration mechanisms of these societal beliefs and collective emotions, associated to rejection of social movements that feeds the political polarization and reduces the possibility to recognize the other as a human being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, digital networks have given rise to new spaces for socialization, action and protest, favouring the emergence of new forms of social participation that generate their own languages and new symbolic strategies. In order to analyze online mobilization within the Spanish context and in order to explore these realities in more depth, a systematic review of empirical articles with their own methodology was carried out. It includes those manuscripts published over the last decade by Spanish Sociology journals with the highest impact factor. After identifying 101 general studies that met the initial inclusion criteria, 34 were chosen whose subject of study included online social mobilization and/or used virtual ethnography as a research technique. The final sample for analysis was drawn from these, comprising the 16 publications that addressed this issue as the central topic. Among the main results obtained we have the scarcity of publications on the virtual dimension of social mobilization, as well as the growing use and adaptation of virtual ethnography as a research methodology for studying this field of knowledge. Likewise, the potential of the Internet to amplify the impact of demands, the need to break the onlineoffline dichotomy, the creation of new narratives and the transformation of the symbolic production of contemporary social movements are noteworthy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media have favored the production and consumption of content on matters of citizen interest, such as those of social claim to authorities. Within these, there is a typology of videos broadcasted on YouTube and other social media networks, in which political personalities are rebuked in public space by casual pedestrians. These spontaneous encounters, recorded on mobile devices and posted on the World Wide Web, potentially serve as an alternative form of social protest and, consequently, could incite citizen mobilization and participation. This article examines this phenomenon from the analysis of the amplification properties and the social mobilization effects of a selection of repudiation acts against political personalities from Colombia and Venezuela. Based on the literature on social movements on the Web, and through the application of a mixed methodology, this study examines the variables of diffusion and virality, participation, influence, continuity, unity and mobilization in four distinctive cases. The results allow us to conclude that, despite the rise and qualities attributed to social platforms, these contents do not reach concrete effects on audiences that are translated into actions beyond online participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an approach to the identification of class ascriptions of the members of the human rights movement in Argentina. After observing a polyclassist integration of the social movement, it focuses on the dominance in its leadership and composition of members of the middle classes and sometimes more specifically of the service classes. First, some dimensions underlying the concept of "social class" are developed, and then, through different surveys, outline the composition of different human rights organizations. Finally, it is concluded that although class ascription was not decisive for the composition of the movement, it did lay the foundations for a shared political culture and for the adoption of discourse and action repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1991, the Colombian feminist movement started to mobilize to promote a Quota Act that was finally established in 2001. By drawing on a case study of such campaign, this article intervenes in socio-legal scholarship on legal mobilization suggesting that the relationship between law and social movements can be theorized in many ways. Particularly, it suggests political and legal opportunities, mobilizing structures, and collective action frames as useful concepts for such task. By doing so, this article suggests that the Law and Society literature on legal mobilization, and particularly the Colombian literature on the relationship between post-1991 constitutional law and social movements, should set aside the emphasis on the usefulness of the law to bring about social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo aborda el debate teórico y analítico de la acción colectiva de alto riesgo, escasamente desarrollado en el contexto colombiano, como herramienta explicativa de diferentes procesos y tipos de movilización social. Esta perspectiva resulta trascendente al darle especificidad a dinámicas en las que existe una aparente contradicción entre procesos de acción colectiva y condiciones adversas a los mismos. Se realiza un ejercicio de contrastación teórica a partir de autores relevantes en la literatura internacional, proponiendo una definición conceptual aplicable para el análisis de dos procesos de movilización campesina ocurridos en los municipios de El Líbano y Chaparral en el Tolima. Se trabaja en la descripción de dichos procesos a partir de información recolectada mediante trabajo de campo, revisión de prensa y diversidad de documentos, haciendo uso de las categorías analíticas derivadas de la definición construida. Se constata la especificidad de este tipo de acciones colectivas y se abre la puerta a la exploración de esta alternativa analítica, a partir de su potencialidad explicativa.This paper presents a theoretical and analytical approach for High-Risk Collective Action, as an explicative tool for different aspects of social mobilization. This perspective allows a better understanding of certain dynamics, in which there seems to be an apparent contradiction between collective action processes and their own adversities. A theoretical contrastation exercise is carried out, based on important authors from the specialized literature, and proposing a conceptual definition for analyzing two experiences of peasant protests in Colombia: El Líbano and Chaparral in the State of Tolima. Mentioned mobilization processes are described using collected information in the field, press reviews, and multiple documents, leading to the development of analytical categories based on actual information. The specifics of these collective actions are proven; hence, the potential of this approach remains as a powerful tool for future works.

This article synthesizes the main economic, social and political events that took place in Paraguay during the year 2015. Framed within the context of an economic slowdown, non-conventional political participation gained strength through social mobilizations that showed the Paraguayan citizen's greater capacity to articulate their demands and achieve their collective goals. On the other hand, the elections at the municipal level displayed an electoral realignment; they showed the widespread historical control of the incumbent party throughout the territory but also highlighted the potential of electoral alliances among opposition parties. The democratic responsiveness of Paraguay's political system remains in question, facing growing challenges due to its historical shortcomings and the increasing demands of the citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sciences de la Societe is the property of Universite Toulouse, Le Mirail and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Psicoperspectivas is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Escuela de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reconstructs the main theoretical discussions around human rights mobilization and the analytical dimensions that prevail in contemporary studies. The main thesis argues that given the dichotomy between endogenous and exogenous dimensions, while between institutional and non-institutional mobilization frameworks, their convergence is necessary to understand the complexity of the historical institutionalization of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sebastian Piñera's third year in office was the first which offered the chance to implement a policy agenda. Having overcome the challenges of the 2010 earthquake and the appearance of social protest in 2011, the Coalition for Change government could have used 2012 to leave a real mark in terms of public policy. However, the public agenda very quickly became dominated by the electoral calendar, due to municipal elections in October and the appearance of candidates testing the waters for the presidential campaign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Azarbe is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The first part of the article provides an introduction and a supporting analytical perspective about the epistemological status of social mediation from authors such Hegel, Jesús Martín Barbero and Manuel Martín Serrano . In a second stage, we undertake our task of founding a public communication as a prospective within the field of communication, as well as a mediating process for social mobilization and from the knowledge of interface features. Finally, we conclude with a proposal submission for citizens participation and social mobilization, presenting a way to contribute to the quality of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article systematizes the main results of a line of research that examines the institutional and collective actions of social organizations linked to health problems of women located in the city of Buenos Aires. In a significant sample of women's organizations there are explored their political and ideological profiles that guide their conceptions and practices regarding the role of the State and the scope of the non governmental field, analyzing their position in respect of the sexual and reproductive rights ant the public policies. Finally, it summarizes the major struggles and collective demands of women's groups during the period 1997-2007, with particular reference to issues of sexual and reproductive health. We worked with semi-structured interviews, participant observation and non-participatory observation and analysis of graphic documents and audiovisual materials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decades the social movements in Latin America have become very important political actors. They look for the change far from the traditional political actors, maintaining his autonomy and prioritizing the strategy of collective action by massive mobilization; or they decide to approach some actors (such as the political parties), participating within the political system by the institucional/electoral route. The objective of this work is indeed to make a reflection on the relation between the social movements and the political parties in Latin America. For such effect we make first a theorical revision and later we took several examples of social movements in order to ejemplify the types of strategies and relations that can occur between these and the political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]