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In this article, we report analyses of the effects of fertility and mortality trends on the mutual exposure of grandparents and grandchildren and their consequences for multigenerational processes of social mobility in the United States from 1900 to 2010. Using historical vital statistics and stable population models, we report systematic analyses of grandparent-grandchild exposures from both prospective (grandparent) and retrospective (grandchild) perspectives. We also estimate exposure levels and trends specific to education levels of grandparents and grandchildren and decompose the overall trend into the effect of changing mortality, fertility level, and fertility timing. We show that changes in mutual exposure of grandparent and grandchild generations may have contributed to an increasing association between grandparents' and grandchildren's educational attainments.

The study of intergenerational mobility and most population research are governed by a two-generation (parent-to-offspring) view of intergenerational influence, to the neglect of the effects of grandparents and other ancestors and nonresident contemporary kin. While appropriate for some populations in some periods, this perspective may omit important sources of intergenerational continuity of family-based social inequality. Social institutions, which transcend individual lives, help support multigenerational influence, particularly at the extreme top and bottom of the social hierarchy, but to some extent in the middle as well. Multigenerational influence also works through demographic processes because families influence subsequent generations through differential fertility and survival, migration, and marriage patterns, as well as through direct transmission of socioeconomic rewards, statuses, and positions. Future research should attend more closely to multigenerational effects; to the tandem nature of demographic and socioeconomic reproduction; and to data, measures, and models that transcend co-resident nuclear families.

This paper reports trends in educational assortative marriage from 1940 to 2003 in the United States. Analyses of census and Current Population Survey data show that educational homogamy decreased from 1940 to 1960 but increased from 1960 to 2003. From 1960 to the early 1970s, increases in educational homogamy were generated by decreasing intermarriage among groups of relatively well-educated persons. College graduates, in particular; were increasingly likely to marry each other rather than those with less education. Beginning in the early 1970s, however; continued increases in the odds of educational homogamy were generated by decreases in intermarriage at both ends of the education distribution. Most striking is the decline in the odds that those with very low levels of education marry up. Intermarriage between college graduates and those with "some college" continued to decline but at a more gradual pace. As intermarriage declined at the extremes of the education distribution, intermarriage among those in the middle portion of the distribution increased. These trends, which are similar for a broad cross section of married couples and for newlyweds, are consistent with a growing social divide between those with very low levels of education and those with more education in the United States.

Most intergenerational social mobility studies are based upon retrospective data, in which samples of individuals report socioeconomic information about their parents, an approach that provides representative data for offspring but not the parental generation. When available, prospective data on intergenerational mobility, which are based on a sample of respondents who report on their progeny, have conceptual and practical advantages. Prospective data are especially useful for studying social mobility across more than two generations and for developing joint models of social mobility and demographic processes. Because prospective data remain relatively scarce, we propose a method that corrects retrospective mobility data for the unrepresentativeness of the parental generation and thus permits them to be used for models of social mobility and demographic processes. We illustrate this method using both simulated data and data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. In our examples, this method removes more than 95 percent of the bias in the retrospective data.

Despite the dominance of a two-generation approach to the study of intergenerational social mobility, multigenerational influences that link the characteristics of kin across three or more generations may be important in some populations. These effects include direct net effects of grandparents' socioeconomic characteristics on grandchildren, the effects of even more remote generations, the effects of family characteristics that bring extreme advantage or disadvantage at points in the past that are not uniformly tied to any specific past generation, a variety of demographic effects that both reweight socioeconomic distributions in successive generations and also incorporate multigenerational effects on demographic behavior itself, heterogeneous multigenerational effects in populations that contain more than one social mobility regime, and long-run multigenerational effects that result from mobility-fertility interactions in population dynamics. Genealogical data from the Qing Dynasty Imperial Lineage and from population registry data for Liaoning, China over the past several centuries provide illustrations of all of these types of multigenerational effects. Multigenerational influence is much more multi-faceted than previous speculations and empirical investigations have implied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns of intermarriage between persons who have varying levels of educational attainment are indicators of socioeconomic closure and affect the family backgrounds of children. This article documents trends in educational assortative mating throughout the twentieth century in the United States, using socioeconomic data on adults observed in several large cross section surveys collected between 1972 and 2010 and on their parents who married a generation earlier. Spousal resemblance on educational attainment was very high in the early twentieth century, declined to an all-time low for young couples in the early 1950s, and has increased steadily since then. These trends broadly parallel the compression and expansion of socioeconomic inequality in the United States over the twentieth century. Additionally, educationally similar parents are more likely to have offspring who themselves marry within their own educational level. If homogamy in the parent generation leads to homogamy in the offspring generation, this may reinforce the secular trend toward increased homogamy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most intergenerational social mobility studies are based upon retrospective data, in which samples of individuals report socioeconomic information about their parents, an approach that provides representative data for offspring but not the parental generation. When available, prospective data on intergenerational mobility, which are based on a sample of respondents who report on their progeny, have conceptual and practical advantages. Prospective data are especially useful for studying social mobility across more than two generations and for developing joint models of social mobility and demographic processes. Because prospective data remain relatively scarce, we propose a method that corrects retrospective mobility data for the unrepresentativeness of the parental generation and thus permits them to be used for models of social mobility and demographic processes. We illustrate this method using both simulated data and data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. In our examples, this method removes more than 95 percent of the bias in the retrospective data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of social mobility typically focus on the associations between the socioeconomic characteristics of individuals and families in one generation and those same characteristics for the next generation. Yet the life chances of individuals may be affected by a wider network of kin than just the nuclear family, including grandparents, aunts and uncles, siblings, and even more remote kin. In planning new studies of intergenerational social mobility, researchers should consider the ways that more remote kin may affect socioeconomic success and hardship and design data collection strategies for collecting data on wider kin networks. Administrative record linkage and survey research have complementary advantages for identifying kin networks. Successful implementation of these approaches holds the promise of a much richer set of studies of intergenerational social mobility than most researchers have attempted thus far. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The articles in this special issue show the vitality and progress of research on multigenerational aspects of social mobility, stratification, and inequality. The effects of the characteristics and behavior of grandparents and other kin on the statuses, resources, and positions of their descendants are best viewed in a demographic context. Intergenerational effects work through both the intergenerational associations of socioeconomic characteristics and also differential fertility and mortality. A combined socioeconomic and demographic framework informs a research agenda which addresses the following issues: how generational effects combine with variation in age, period, and cohort within each generation; distinguishing causal relationships across generations from statistical associations: how multigenerational effects vary across socioeconomic hierarchies, including the possibility of stronger effects at the extreme top and bottom; distinguishing between endowments and investments in intergenerational effects; multigenerational effects on associated demographic behaviors and outcomes (especially fertility and mortality); optimal tradeoffs among diverse types of data on multigenerational processes; and the variability across time and place in how kin, education, and other institutions affect stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews methods for analyzing both individual preferences and choices about where to live, and the implications of these choices for residential patterns. Although these methods are discussed in the context of residential choice, they can be applied more broadly to individual choices in a range of social contexts where behavior is interdependent. We also discuss specific problems with residential mobility data, including the treatment of one’s current location as a potential choice, the aggregation of units and the need to take into account variations in neighborhood size, the problem of very large choice sets, and the link between residential mobility and patterns of neighborhood change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: This study investigates trends in the interdependence of poverty and family structure from one generation to the next, focusing specifically on mothers and daughters. This aspect of the mobility process has not been explored, despite widespread concern about the life chances of children in poor single-parent families and dramatic changes in the distributions of poverty and family structure in recent decades. We examine origin-by-destination status along the two dimensions of poverty and family structure, using rich panel data and loglinear models to parse out the associations between poverty and family structure within and across generations. Our results show that the intergenerational associations between poverty and family structure are strong, but operate through largely independent pathways. Net of the correlation between poverty and family structure within a generation, the intergenerational transmission of poverty is significantly stronger than the intergenerational transmission of family structure, and neither childhood poverty nor family structure affects the other in adulthood. Finally, despite important changes in the distributions of poverty and family structure, we find no evidence of change in the processes of intergenerational inheritance over time. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

When observations in social research are selected so that they are not independent of the outcome variables in a study, sample selection leads to biased inferences about social processes. Nonrandom selection is both a source of bias in empirical research and a fundamental aspect of many social processes. This chapter reviews models that attempt to take account of sample selection and their applications in research on labor markets, schooling, legal processes, social mobility, and social networks. Variants of these models apply to outcome variables that are censored or truncated--whether explicitly or incidentally--and include the tobit model, the standard selection model, models for treatment effects in quasi-experimental designs, and endogenous switching models. Heckman's two-stage estimator is the most widely used approach to selection bias, but its results may be sensitive to violations of its assumptions about the way that selection occurs. Recent econometric research has developed a wide variety of promising approaches m selection bias that rely on considerably weaker assumptions. These include a number of semi-and nonparametric approaches to estimating selection models, the use of panel data, and the analyses of bounds of estimates. The large number of available methods and the difficulty of modelling selection indicate that researchers should be explicit about the assumptions behind their methods and should present results that derive from a variety of methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]