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This article explores some of the tensions at the interface of nationalist and global orientations in ideals of global mindedness and global citizenship looking specifically at the Finnish context. We engage with discussions related to the social–political and historical context of national identity in Finland and outline the conceptual framework of an educational initiative related to the development of global mindedness through experiences of international mobility and partnerships. This conceptual outline presents a set of theoretical distinctions through which we seek to challenge humanist and universalist approaches to the question of (the formation of) global mindedness by arguing that the issue is neither about cognition or understanding nor about empathy and relationships but ultimately has to do with modes of existence and exposure. Similar to discussions in other small states, the historical trajectory in Finland illustrates how the encounter between the nation and the globe poses particular challenges for education as it runs the risk of reverting to ethnocentric rather than globally minded forms of national identity building. We argue that this risk cannot be addressed with the promotion of a mere understanding of or mere empathy for the other as an educational or political antidote but rather requires an existential approach. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Contrary to the popular view that the U.S. welfare system has been in a contractionary phase after the expansions of the welfare state in the 1960s, welfare spending resumed steady growth after a pause in the 1970s. However, although aggregate spending is higher than ever, there have been redistributions away from non-elderly and nondisabled families to families with older adults and to families with recipients of disability programs; from non-elderly, nondisabled single-parent families to married-parent families; and from the poorest families to those with higher incomes. These redistributions likely reflect long-standing, and perhaps increasing, conceptualizations by U.S. society of which poor are deserving and which are not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decade of the twenty-first century, there have been reforms in German family and social policy, aimed at improving reconciliation of work and family and linking receipt of welfare benefits more strongly on activation and labour market participation. Mothers receiving welfare benefits are subject to both new policies. In this article, it is investigated how these mothers succeed in entering the labour market and what its determinants are. Probabilities to take up employment are estimated from administrative data for lone mothers and mothers living with a partner. Care responsibilities in the household and mothers' labour market resources influence the process of labour market integration. Lone mothers are more likely to take up work when they don't have young children in the household than mothers living with a partner. For both groups of mothers, employment is predominantly not full-time. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper addresses two basic questions in the globalization literature: (1) is globalization a threat or an opportunity? And (2) how far does market deepening actually encourage genuine substantive democracy in the world? Many scholars have argued that globalization has resulted in increasing inequality and marginalization of the poor, which is not conducive for democracy. Drawing on the case of India, this paper, however, argues that the rolling back of the welfare state and the demise of developmentalism led to the mobilization of the masses against the elitist and exploitative agenda of globalization. As a result, a counter-hegemonic vibrant civil society has emerged, which challenges the hegemony of the elites and channels the empowerment agenda of the subaltern groups. This new politics of the subaltern is grounded on the idea of social justice and citizenship rights, which is redefining the nature of the Indian state and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

“New paternalist” welfare programs are premised on the idea that service users lack certain capacities and require “supervisory” programs to guide them toward self-sufficiency. The author argues that the use of new paternalist programs is incompatible with what she claims to be a just state’s obligation to foster autonomy. This is best understood in light of a notion of paternalism as implicated in oppressive power relations rather than solely as interventionist policy. By examining workfare and pregnancy prevention programs, the author sheds light on underlying gendered assumptions about the relationship between the autonomous self and both paid employment and care work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Current theories on nonprofits focus primarily on the situation in developed countries. By performing a systematic evaluation based on Salamon and Anheier's theory of the 'social origins of the nonprofit sector,' the writers posit that there exist structural differences between the nonprofit sectors in developed and developing countries. Moreover, the differences are determined by the social structures and social institutions in which nonprofit sectors are embedded. Important factors identified include division of labor in society, legal classifications, and the influence of the welfare state. The article describes the relationships between the state of the nonprofit sector and three factors: division of labor, legal classifications, and the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses economic and political stability in the European Union (EU). The article focuses on the EU's economic regulations and protests by pensioners, students, and workers throughout the EU member states in regards to those regulations. Other topics include the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the economy of the EU, speculation about the EU's stability as a unified government, and the relationship between the welfare state and European society.

The article examines the structure of labor unions in welfare state and support of labor unions for welfare state development. A comparison between the development of pension provision programs for older people in the Netherlands and Great Britain following World War II is presented. Worker mobilization and the welfare state, political aspects of pension programs, and the concepts of solidarity and egalitarianism are addressed. The relationships between craft unions, industrial unions, and national governments are also explored.

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Central to the regulation theory of social policy is the argument that the welfare state has played a key role in the maintenance of the proper working of capitalism. Starting from the core argument of the theory, this article attempts to demonstrate that the Social Security Fund, a cornerstone of Macao's social security system, achieved three major regulatory functions in relation to the perpetuation of capitalism from the establishment of the fund in 1990 to 2005: legitimisation, reproduction and disciplinisation. There was a watershed year in 2002 in which the predominant regulatory forms displayed a qualitative shift from legitimisation to reproduction and disciplinisation. The shift is explained in terms of different interplays of the political and economic forces within the basic structural constraint of the capitalist social system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many market-centered democracies have more comprehensive and generous family policies than the United States. While there is an assumed lack of public support for such policies, little research exists on Americans'family policy attitudes, especially in a comparative perspective. The authors examine the United States within the liberal welfare state framework, comparing it to nations with the greatest institutional, historical, and cultural similarities (Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand). Using data from the 1994 and 2002 International Social Survey Program, the authors explore support for and determinants of paid maternity leave and financial benefits for childcare. Results show that despite common assumptions, Americans are as supportive and often more so than citizens in other liberal welfare states. However, Americans differ significantly according to sources of policy support. Specifically, the gender gap in policy preferences is larger in the United States than in other liberal welfare states. Conversely, there is a weaker relationship in the United States between liberal work/family attitudes and support of these policies. The results have implications for proponents of family policy and theoretical debates concerning gender, public opinion, and family policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how Nordic welfare state, European Union (EU), professional international organizations and the changed role of the professionals affect social work education. It mentions that all Nordic countries regulations for social work education as well as their evaluation are decided at a ministerial level while the smaller single professional schools are uniting into larger consortia leading to an increased social work education in combined professional high schools and universities. Moreover, the role of Nordic Committee of Schools of Social Work (NASSW) and International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) is to improve social work education for the security of professional high standards and ethical practice.

Immigrants from Turkey often end up as self-employed or employees in the fast-food and restaurant sector in Finland. The concept of ethnic economy describes the employment pattern in this particular economic sector. The article suggests that substantial state involvement is not necessarily in conflict with the existence of ethnic economies, and in some instances welfare state policies may even support the creation of ethnic economies. The article discusses both positive and negative consequences of an ethnic economy for the employees in the 'kebab economy'. Since the Finnish general labour market is, for the most part, closed to immigrants, Turkish employees end up in a situation where they work under bad working conditions in kebab shops, hoping one day to be able to start their own business. The results of the study highlight the importance of the wider economic, institutional and social contexts in which immigrant businesses operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In analyses of gender and the Scandinavian welfare states, Norway often stands out as "different." Through a historical comparison of the politics of women's incorporation into Norwegian and Swedish welfare state policies, this article seeks to understand why. More specifically, it focuses on women's mobilization and how this intersected with class and national mobilization, the policy legacies of the initial legislation granting women social rights, and their impact on women's identities and coalition building among women, as well as the forging of cross-gender alliances. In addition to casting light on the Norwegian puzzle, this article seeks to contribute to the growing literature on gender and the making of welfare states, and indirectly to interrogate the claim that European welfare states in their formative period (1880-1925) were "paternalist," while U.S. policies had a much stronger "maternalist" bent during this era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]