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Afro-Brazilians’ life experiences in Paris are manifold. This paper examines the intercultural dynamic within the transnational European and French contexts and explores how nonwhite Brazilians negotiate their socio-racial relations and their strategies of integration and socialization. This piece draws from our fieldwork and semi-directive interviews carried out from 2005 to 2009 with Afro-Brazilians living in Paris. A particular emphasis was given to the subjective and inter-subjective cognitive processes underpinning the actions and the objective choices of this population in their daily lives. We have focused on the elements generated by the processes of identification which are paradoxicallyfluidandmarkedat the same time, revealing a combination that emphasizes the constructed feature of the ethno-racial identities both in Brazil and in France. Likewise, we could observe that the Brazilian skin color identification is repositioned in the French context where the Brazilian paradigm of chromatic racial classification gradually loses its singularity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines black criminal agency in the context of drug trafficking and territorial control by the Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command, PCC), a self-identified criminal organisation in São Paulo's favelas. It argues that black youth's racialised encounters with the police shape their political praxis in the city. Since in the racial imaginary, they are constantly linked to crime and violence, and since their criminalised status justifies mass incarceration and death by the police, criminality appears as a valid category to better understand not only their fate but also their agency. Ethnographic fieldwork carried out in 2009 and 2010 in a hyper-impoverished, predominately black slum community, along with weekly visits to a local detention centre in São Paulo, informs the author's analysis of the PCC's controversial languages of resistance and the gendered and racialised outcomes that emerge from their attempts to fend off the state in such topographies of domination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the processes of constructing identity which arise from political movements on the rights of the quilombola communities in Alcântara (Brazilian Amazon region). The article focuses on the social conflict in this area triggered by the expropriation of extensive areas of land by the state in the 1980s, to make way for a rocket launch facility. This complex situation leads us to believe that the act of officially recognizing these communities is permeated by authoritarian practices implemented by the State, which are in turn linked to arbitrary practices which are founded on business logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the racialized nature of Brazilian police violence against Blacks and the creation of cultural productions to resist and call attention to such violence. Topics covered include contemporary visual media productions on police violence such as the short film "On the Day Matthew Was Born" and the social media campaign "Do I Look Suspicious?" and the productions' location of the political power underpinning the racism inherent in police violence towards Afro-Brazilians.

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Under the project of modernity the figure of the Black has been continually denied a geography of its own. This assumed inability for Black space to exist establishes the Black as the anti-human par excellence in the West. Indeed, the supposed non-being of the Black comprises the foundation of the Western project, as this a-spatial figure is the referent for all other forms of potential being. Despite the perpetual insistence of this Black a-spatiality and non-being by the West, Blacks have recurrently sought to create geographies and ways of existing unique to the Western, modern project. This paper takes the case of Brazil and demonstrates how Brazil, in its endeavor to establish itself as a modern nation, sought to erase Black spaces through various practices and discourses. Blacks, on the other hand, sought to break with this Slave existence and create various spaces of their own, a practice which continues into the present day. By interrogating the dehumanization of the Black and examining Black articulations of space and notions of spatiality, this paper demonstrates how Black geographies seek to create new ways of being in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos EBAPE.BR is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios is the property of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Protestantism has expanded rapidly in Brazil in recent decades. The question we tackle in this paper is whether Protestantism has had a positive influence on male earnings in this setting, either through its influence on health and productivity, by way of social networks or employer favor and reduced discrimination, or through other mechanisms. We tackle the problem of the selectivity of religious conversion and affiliation using microdata from the Brazilian censuses of 1970, 1980, 1991, and 2000, and analyzing the association between Protestantism and earnings at the group rather than the individual level. Our results show a strong association between the proportion of Protestants in a region, and the earnings of men in one educational group: those with less than five years of education. Upon introducing race into our models, we found that the association between religion and the earnings of less educated men is concentrated in regions in which there is a substantial non-white population. The relationships we have uncovered contribute to the literature on racial inequality and discrimination in Brazil, which to date has given little space to the role of religion in moderating the pernicious effect of race on economic outcomes in Brazil. The substantial association we found between religion and earnings contrasts with much of the research that has been carried out on the influence of religion on earnings in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This essay compares statistical indicators of black/white racial inequality in Brazil and the United States from 1990 to 2010. Those indicators include racial differences in fertility, life expectancy, infant mortality, regional distribution, educational enrollment and achievement, labor force distribution, income and earnings, and poverty. From 1994 to 2010, Brazilians elected a series of presidential administrations committed to reducing the country's very high levels of class and regional inequality. The programs enacted by those governments did reduce poverty and inequality and enabled some 30 million Brazilians to move from the poor and working class into a greatly expanded middle class. The article finds that policies intended to combat class inequality worked to reduce racial inequality as well. On most indicators, Brazil made greater progress in lowering racial disparities during those twenty years than did the United States. By 2010 the United States was still the more racially egalitarian country, in statistical terms; but Brazil's experiments in social democracy and in class- and race-based affirmative action are producing outcomes that merit close attention from citizens and policymakers interested in reducing class and racial inequality in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Analyzing the media coverage of the 2013 Brazil protests, sociologist Katherine Jensen uncovers that violence against white women became the rallying cry for popular political action, while black mobilization was depoliticized as violent chaos and violence against blacks was ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Masses of colonial workers are situating their free-for-all labor efforts in a global context due to dominant forms of organization based on a corporate market economy. New social movements that show concern for democracy and human rights are challenging capitalist priorities of "efficiency" and exploitation. In some places, the representatives of popular movements are actually taking the reins of state power. Many of these movements are emerging to bridge national identities and boundaries, in solidarity with transnational class, gender, and ethnic struggles. The ideology of market competition has become more entrenched in schools. Thus, in this article I explore these implications drawn upon the myriad social struggles shaping students' lives and communities, which are based on principles of justice, ethics, access, and emancipation, placing emphasis on the effects of whiteness from an historical Afro-Brazilian political experience [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how racial socialization in poor and working-class Afro-Brazilian families conveys messages about racial features that reproduce and resist racial hierarchies. Relying on 116 semi-structured interviews and ethnography in fifteen Afro-Brazilian families conducted in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, I argue that racial socialization consists of discursive strategies, concrete practices and affective displays that stigmatize black racial features. This study examines racial socialization within the intimate context of parent and sibling relationships, highlighting how Afro-Brazilians negotiate racial features such as skin colour, hair texture and nose shape during day-to-day interactions and life transitions. To illustrate the complexity of Afro-Brazilian families, I discuss critical moments when socialization simultaneously reproduces and inverts racial hierarchies. I conclude by arguing that racial hierarchies are constantly negotiated in Afro-Brazilian families, but racial socialization most often reinforces dominant racial structures in ways that compromise the affective quality of family relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As Brazil prepares for hosting the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games—both of which will feature Rio de Janeiro prominently—what do patterns of social representation and state repression of predominantly Afrodescended communities say about the symbolic, political, and material dimensions of current black experiences in Brazil? This article focuses on the November 2010 massive police–military operations that targeted Vila Cruzeiro and the Complexo do Alemão in Rio. These operations are emblematic of a new public security paradigm inaugurated in 2008 that aimed at retaking urban areas from the control of drug dealers. How, if at all, does this new security paradigm represent a rupture with relation to historical patterns of anti-black violence perpetrated by state and non-state actors and institutions? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the racial identity of a community of African slave descendants from the Northeastern state of Paraíba, Brazil, officially identified as Quilombola, which is a denomination given to descendants of fugitive slaves that live in communities called Quilombos, also known as Marrons. An overview of black identity in Brazil is also given, including references to different groups of African ancestors. Subjects include the Brazilian government policies regarding Quilombolas, social conditions of black people in Brazil, and race discrimination in Brazil.

The article discusses the inferior representations of Black masculinity in Brazilian history and society. The depiction of Brazilian Black population in mass media, literature and the arts as inferior to the whites and other non-Blacks is a result of European migration in the 19th century. The stereotypical characteristics, even accepted by the elite, conjures up an image of a Black man who is anti-progress, violent and a threat to societal change and order.

The article examines the history of 20th-century Brazilian racial ideologies, or political views regarding race relations. Particular focus is given to the opinions of black Brazilian intellectuals on the topics of race and national identities as well as concepts including citizenship, racial inclusiveness, and political participation. Other topics include racial democracy, the history of democratization in Brazil, and Brazilian political discourse. Additionally, racial discrimination against blacks in Brazil and the impact of slavery on Brazilian political and social conditions are discussed.

An article on the development of collective consciousness of the slave trade in Brazil is presented, in which the author explores the causes for slavery's increased visibility in 21st century Brazilian society. An analysis of the importance of the role of Zumbi, the leader of the largest settlement of escaped slaves called Palmares, is offered as a historical figure whose memorialized and celebrated actions of fighting slave holders provide hope to those fighting social and racial inequality in 2012.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire des Sciences Humaines is the property of Editions de la Sorbonne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Brazil builds the bases of its development under the aegis of the slavery, what have left indelible marks on its history and today. After 124 years of abolition of slavery, a review of its consequences and determinations is required. The problems faced by black people in Brazil emerges daily, either in the discussion of affirmative action policies for Afro-descendants in public higher education, is in discussions about prejudices or recognition of quilombola's communities rights to their ancestral territories. This way, it is believed that a review about the trajectory of black people in Brazil collaborate with the advancement of the discussions of these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most Brazilians believe that racial and socioeconomic inequalities tend to overlap--in other words, blacks are poorer because they have less education and worse jobs. In the past few years, however, several quantitative studies have presented an interesting puzzle: racial inequalities are strongest among those at the top of the socioeconomic hierarchy. This article explores the "elitist profile" of racial discrimination through eighty in-depth interviews with black professionals in Rio de Janeiro. The results show that interviewees describe their trajectories of social mobility through mechanisms that involve both socioeconomic and racial exclusion. Their perceptions of injustice, however, are more directly related to experiences of racial discrimination. In narrating incidents of discrimination, interviewees stress the distinction and tensions between what we call generalized prejudice and particularized universalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Política & Sociedade: Revista de Sociologia Política is the property of Revista Politica & Sociedade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Civilisations is the property of Institut de Sociologie - ULB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the ways in which the Museo do Negro (Museum of the Black) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil has influenced the collective memory of Afro-Brazilians concerning the nation's history of black slavery. More specifically, the author analyzes the ways in which shrines dedicated to Anastácia, a Brazilian slave goddess, located within the museum serve to present a view of slavery quite different from those espoused by mainstream museums. More broadly, he is concerned with the connections between collective memory and syncretism in relation to Brazilian society.

This article discusses strategies which Afro-Brazilian men used to distance themselves from demeaning assumptions and stereotypes attached to slavery and vagrancy in Rio de Janeiro. The piece focuses on the first 50 years after abolition (1888) but also shows how the ideologia da vadiagem--a set of ideas and stereotypes which defined black, poor, and mixed-race men and women as lazy and inferior--cast a long shadow deep into the twentieth century. The primary lens is the music market, which, beginning around the turn of the century, provided one of the earliest and most public venues in which black men were judged as members of a free society. Some musicians played samba and a number used malandragem, the lifestyle and ethos of flashy, masculine, malandro hustler figures, to cater to audience desires and also to distinguish themselves from caricatures of sickly, weak vadios (vagrants or idlers). Other artists rejected malandragem or only embraced it selectively, instead preferring a more toned-down "professional" look and demeanor meant to secure dignity and respect for themselves, their music, and the communities for which they served as figureheads. Eduardo das Neves, Moreno, Donga, Pixinguinha, Brancura, and Ismael Silva are among the musicians discussed here. By interpreting malandragem as a response to the ideologia da vadiagem, and as one of many identities and strategies employed by black entertainers, the article provides unique insights about the relationship between race, class, gender, and sexuality and a new way to understand the long-term effects of slavery and related assumptions about race and masculinity in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Afro-Brazilian afoxé as a form of cultural struggle that critically contests narratives and practices that reproduce racial inequality in contemporary Brazil. Through their afoxé in the interior of São Paulo, the Orùnmilá Cultural Center mobilizes Afro-Brazilian knowledge and cultural practices to challenge culturalist treatments of Afro-Brazilian 'difference' in the management and representation of carnaval. I explore how such treatments reflect broader state-orchestrated attempts to undermine black anti-racism and the implementation of substantive policies to address racial inequality in various spheres, including education and culture. The afoxé and the Orùnmilá Center's broader work constitute an important, contemporary means through which black organizations in Brazil make visible and vocal public claims for representation and self-determination. Such work pushes policy-makers and academics to reinterpret the terms of black inclusion vis-à-vis subaltern or 'other' cultures, historical experiences, perspectives, and participation in societal transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Now that racism has been officially recognized in Brazil, and some universities have adopted affirmative-action admission policies, measures of the magnitude of racial inequality and analyses that identify the factors associated with changes in racial disparities over time assume particular relevance to the conduct of public debate. This study uses census data from 1950 to 2000 to estimate the probability of death in the early years of life, a robust indicator of the standard of living among the white and Afro-Brazilian populations. Associated estimates of the average number of years of life expectancy at birth show that the 6.6-year advantage that the white population enjoyed in the 1950s remained virtually unchanged throughout the second half of the twentieth century, despite the significant improvements that accrued to both racial groups. The application of multivariate techniques to samples selected from the 1960, 1980, and 2000 census enumerations further shows that, controlling for key determinants of child survival, the white mortality advantage persisted and even increased somewhat in 2000. The article discusses evidence of continued racial inequality during an era of deep transformation in social structure, with reference to the challenges of skin color classification in a multiracial society and the evolution of debates about color, class, and discrimination in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the implications of the presence of black people in schools of Minas Gerais, Brazil in the 19th century. It describes the race profile of schools based on teachers' lists and based on the name lists of inhabitants. The presence of blacks in schools of Minas Gerais reportedly shows that this institution was one of the elements used by the blacks to establish their position inside the social sphere. It is also noted that schooling represented their inclusion into the literate culture and a way of moving away from the world of slavery.

Historians and social scientists often compare the trajectories of blacks and immigrants in the state of São Paulo after abolition, but rarely study everyday relations between them. The article, based primarily on police investigations and criminal trial records resulting from violent conflicts between Italians and nonwhites, examines the tensions between these groups after abolition in the municipality of São Carlos, which was on the coffee frontier and attracted large numbers of immigrants. The interactions leading to violence and the depositions of witnesses reveal acute symbolic conflicts. Many blacks and other nonwhites insisted that they be treated with dignity and respect, refusing to humble themselves in interactions with Italians, but Italians feared leveling with blacks and claimed superiority. The insults in these fights constituted classification struggles, in which each side tried to associate the other with negative characteristics. The demographic preponderance of immigrants, combined with collective rancor against blacks, favored group aggression by Italians against isolated black individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]