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The motivational features of Peruvian place names as units marking the geophysical, historical, migration, and linguistic-cultural features of the Peruvian ethnic community are revealed. The article interprets the material of the toponymic system of Peru to establish the linguistic parameters of the national identity of the Peruvians. Statistical data on the genesis of toponyms in Peru is derived, their percentage is calculated in the light of the national identity of the Peruvians, the features of geonaming, linguistic creativity, and markers of toponymic identity are established. Peru differs from other countries of the South American continent in the small percentage of Spanish place names per se . Meanwhile, the derived most productive lexical and semantic categories of Hispanic toponymic nomenclature, including hagiotoponyms, commemorative, descriptive toponyms, migrant toponyms, etc., allow us to consider the toponymy of Peru as an organic part of Hispanic geolinguistic system. The corresponding reasons are comprehended and the conditions favorable to the emergence of geonominations in the region are characterized. In particular, it is concluded that Peruvian toponymic periphrases enter into a relationship of intervariant homonymy with toponymic periphrases of other Spanish linguistic cultures. Being an integral toponymic construct, the toponymicon of Peru reveals universal toponymic patterns, such as, for example, migrant toponyms or transfer place names that already exist at a far distance from them. And Spanish-Indian hybrid or blended place names, according to the authors’ calculations, constitute the largest layer in the country’s toponymic corpus. The article shows that as a result of the preservation of the autochthonous toponymic heritage, cultural and linguistic synthesis, the toponymic of Peru acquired original properties that form the Peruvian toponymic code and an organic part of the linguistic parameters of the national identity of the Peruvians.

Song discourse, as a type of discourse, represents a special field research. A piece of music related to a certain historical context is part of the expression of culture, memory and identity of the nation. The aim of the study is the interpretation of song and poetry works from the period of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), one of the difficult stages in the history of the country, as well as a semiotic analysis of the song texts of the two fighting parties. The analysis of the lyrics makes it possible to determine the key features of the depiction of the military conflict within the linguocultural, linguocognitive, social and political context. The role of song discourse as part of propaganda and a way to rally the population against the designated enemy is defined. In addition, the relevance of the study is consonant with the socio-political course of Spain in the last few years to deal with the traumatic past of the Civil War and the consequent dictatorship of F. Franco. The material of the study is Spanish-language song texts about the period of the Spanish Civil War (1936- 1939). The main research methods are lexical-semantic, contextual, corpus analysis, methods of semantic and pragmatic interpretation. In addition to the study of the song discourse of the Civil War period, the song discourse of the post-war period is also analyzed. The authors conclude that song and poetry texts acted as an effective tool for rallying the people and quickly conveying the position of the conflicting parties, strengthening propaganda. To date, the musical works of the supporters of the Republic who lost the war in 1939 and after 1939, which were censored in Spain, basking in the popularity, given the campaigns of Spanish public organizations to search for the remains of soldiers and perpetuate the memory of the victims of the Civil War of 1936-1939 and the dictatorship.

The article offers evidence of contrastive ethnolinguoculturological analysis of images of major natural phenomena (the sun, the moon, the day, the night, the stars, the wind, the rain, the snow/ice) in the riddles of four folk cultures that belong to Turkic (Tuvan and Tatar), Slavic (Russian), and Romance (Spanish) linguocultures, with interpretation of peculiarities of the poetics. Nature binds together different levels of cognition, evokes imaginative associations, refers to the archetypal constants of mythopoetic creativity. Riddles about nature are presented in the verbal creativity of any ethnic group. Theoretically and practically, it is important to develop a unified ethnolinguoculturological approach to study the poetics of thematically identical riddles of multilingual cultures. The subject of the article is riddles about nature, the object is linguistic means that create images of the sun, the moon, the day, the night, the stars, the wind, the rain, the snow/ice in Tuvan, Tatar, Russian-speaking, and Spanish ethnic groups. In the study, around 400 Tuvan, Tatar, Russian and Spanish riddles about nature from books on Tuvan, Tatar, Russian and Spanish folklore were used, along with riddles found on the Internet. The study methods include semantic, interpretative, linguoculturological analysis, culturological commentary, and comparative analysis. The main objective of the article is to analyze models of figurative representation and poetics of nine natural phenomena in four linguocultures. The article establishes that the ethnolinguistic content and poetics of riddles about nature vary depending on objective natural and geographical factors, dominant folk worldview, and typological affiliation of languages. The most numerous and metaphorically branched in all four linguistic cultures were the riddles about the sun, the wind, and the moon . The investigated riddles about nature show the characteristic determinant of the Turkic and the sporadic determinant of the Russian and Spanish riddles. The similarity of the images suggests a Eurasian continuum of riddles about nature.

This article is devoted to the idiolect of Ernestina de Champourcin, a contemporary of the Generation-27, an iconic group of Spanish poets of the 20th century. The authors propose is to consider the poetess's idiolect in the aspect of cultural accommodation beyond the traditional translation discourse, through the analysis of two poetry collections - Presencia a oscuras and Primer exilio which stand at the turn of two stages of Ernestina de Champourcin's creative work. The authors analyse the aesthetic, cognitive and linguistic vectors of the poet's idiolect and systematise the reasons for its dynamics. On the basis of the comparative analysis of the elements of the poetic idiolect of her works of different periods, the authors note that the idiolect evolves in accordance with the conditions created by cultural accommodation, and therefore the consideration of cultural accommodation is possible not only in the context of translation adequacy and equivalence, but also chronologically, at the level of idiolect, as evidenced, in particular, by the use of regional variations of lexical units, syntax and the prevalence of this or that temporal plane. The analysis of idiolect makes it possible to narrow the perspective of the material under study, and thus represents the first link of the work on poetic translation. It is argued that the translation of a poetic text is impossible without considering the internal cultural accommodation of the idiolect, which takes place according to the cultural accommodation of the individual and independently of the translation. Based on their analysis, the authors emphasize the role of idiolect as a key factor in the studies devoted to the chronological description of the creative formation of any poet.

This article contributes to the study of the grammar, semantics, expressive values of a very special onymic category, inhabitants names, or demonyms. The authors examine and compare demonyms in two varieties of Romanic languages - South American Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese from both a multi-modal point of view and empirical evidence (synchronic and diachronic data) and systemize them by concentrating on their morphosyntactic distinctive features and semiotic content. The perspective revealed in this paper aims to study, define and analyze the main tendencies in the creation of denominative adjectives functioning as demonyms, to establish the parameters of discrepancies and convergences regarding demonyms of the region in question. The authors based on analyzing the motivation sources, grammar formulae, suffix combinations, socio-cultural varieties and the occurrence of homonymy, as well as their significance, axiological values in forming a group identity and the stereotypes they might lead to. The methodology has included semiotic, cognitive, historic and comparative analysis - a synchronic conceptual transdisciplinary analysis. The results of the study confirm the premise that the demonym suffixes randomly alternate in derivation processes, but also demonstrate the existence of other morphological and pragmatic trends while outlining the role of demonyms in migration processes, formation of a linguistic landscape and axiological values.

The Basque language (euskera) is an isolate language spoken by about one million people in northeast Spain and southwest France. According to the most common version about its origin the Basque language is of Aquitanian origin. The aim of this article - to study the modern Basque toponymy, to outline its space and boundaries, to consider its current state in Spain in the light of contacts with the Spanish language applying the methods of onomastic and linguocultural research. An important feature of modern Basque toponymy in Spain is the existence of double names (Basque and Spanish), reflecting the centuries-old contacts of the Basque and Spanish languages. Double names are in the process of standardization in the framework of state policy, and the unification of the literary standard Basque language (euskara batua). Language consciousness of modern Basque population preserves the original Basque toponymy as an essential part of national heritage, although in some cases the Spanish toponyms are preferred to the Basque ones (Bilbao, not Bilbo, for example).