Search

Sekülerizm, ilk olarak Bizans İmparatoru I. Konstantin (MS 272- 337) zamanında ortaya çıkmış olsa da kavram, 14. yüzyılda ve sonrasında varlığını göstermiş, 16. yüzyılda Martin Luther ile tekrar gündeme gelmiştir. Bilindiği üzere Ortaçağ’da Batı’nın dünya görüşü din ve kilise üzerine kuruluydu. Merkezi Roma’da bulunan Roma Katolik Kilisesi siyasi egemenliği elinde bulunduran, adalet ilkelerini belirleyen, insanların düşünce ve yaşayışına yön veren oldukça önemli bir otoriteydi. Din, toplumun tüm alanlarına dâhil edilmişti. Tanrı Krallığı’nın yeryüzündeki temsilcisi olan kilise, zamanla dünyevi alanla ve para karşılığı günah çıkartmayla daha fazla ilgilenir oldu. Kilise zenginleşti ve arazilerini genişletti. Kilisenin bozulan ahlaki değerlerinden rahatsızlık duyan Luther, Hıristiyanlığın aslına dönmesi için kiliseyi protesto ederek reform hareketini başlattı. Protestanlığın doğmasına sebep olan bu hareket, uzun süren bir mücadeleyi de beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu mücadele sonucunda yapılan Westfalya Anlaşması’nın bir maddesinde geçen sekülerizm kavramı o günden bugüne tartışma konusu olmuştur. Kavram, o zamanlar sivil hukukla kilise hukukunu ayırt etmek için kullanılırken günümüzde hem Batı medeniyetinde hem de dünyada farklı alanlarda, farklı anlamlarda gündeme gelmektedir. İlginç olan da bu kadar tartışılan bir kavramın henüz somut bir tanımının olmamasıdır. Farklı alanlarda, farklı anlamlarda kullanılması, terimin anlamını da genişletmiştir; öyle ki kavramın hukuksal, felsefi ve sosyolojik boyutları oluşmuştur. Bu çalışmada amaç, kavramın tarihteki ilk gerçek manasına ulaşmak, hangi anlamda hangi amaçla kullanıldığını tespit etmek, kavram kargaşasına yol açan durumların neler olduğunu belirlemek ve terime, eşanlamda eşlik eden kelimelere de açıklık getirerek, kavramın daha net anlaşılmasını sağlamaktır. The concept of secularism first emerged during the reign of Byzantine Emperor Constantine I (272-337 AD) and rose again in the 14th century and beyond before emerging in the 16th century with the German priest, Martin Luther. The world view of Europe in the Middle Ages was based on religion and the church. The Roman Catholic Church, headquartered in Rome, was a particularly important authority that held political dominance, determined the principles of justice, and directed people’s thoughts and lives. Religion was incorporated into all spheres of society. As the representative of the Kingdom of God on earth, the Church gradually became more concerned with the earthly realm and indulgences to pardon sin. The Church became rich and expanded its lands. Disturbed by the deteriorating moral values of the church, Martin Luther started the Reform Movement by protesting against the Church for the return of Christianity to its origins. This movement, which led to the birth of Protestantism, brought with it a long struggle. The concept of secularism, which was mentioned in an article of the Westphalia Agreement made as a result of this struggle, has since been a constant subject of discussion. While the concept was used to distinguish civil law and church law at that time, today it comes to the fore both in Western civilization and in various parts of the world, with different meanings. What is interesting is that there is no concrete definition of such a controversial concept. Its use in different areas, with different meanings, has also expanded the meaning of the term; such that the legal, philosophical and sociological dimensions of the concept have been formed. The aim of this study is to examine the first true meaning of the concept in history, to determine for what purpose and in which sense it was used, to determine what situations led to conceptual confusion, and to provide a clearer understanding of the concept by clarifying the words that accompany the term as synonyms.

Die Türkei durchläuft einen tiefgreifenden gesellschaftlichen Wandel. Während sich die öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit auf den politischen Autoritarismus und die Repression richtet, rückt der Autor die kulturkämpferische Dynamik in den Blick. Auf der Basis einer Feldstudie bestimmt er die Regierungspartei AKP als Trägerin eines Hegemonieprojekts, das mit einer wachsenden Schicht religiöser Akteure vernetzt ist, die ihre Stellung sukzessive ausbauen. Die Religionsbehörde Diyanet, theologische Schulen und islamische Bruderschaften werden dabei im Zentrum einer religiösen Privilegienstruktur verortet, deren sozio-ökonomische Grundlage ein neoliberales Armutsregime ist. Turkey under the AKP: how cultural restoration under the leadership of religious intellectuals combines with a neo-liberal poverty regime.

About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted. (author's abstract)

This article outlines some issues in incorporating the study of religions, together with non-religious world views, into the curricula of publicly funded schools in Western democratic states. Attention is given to examples from work on this topic conducted within the Council of Europe since 2002, with a particular focus on Signposts: Policy and Practice for Teaching about Religions and Nonreligious World Views in Intercultural Education, a text published by the Council of Europe in 2014. Signposts is designed to assist policy makers and practitioners in interpreting and applying ideas from the 2008 Recommendation from the Committee of Ministers (the Foreign Ministers of the 47 member states) dealing with education about religions and non-religious convictions. Various issues raised by the Signposts document are considered. Towards the end of the article, recent UK and Council of Europe policies which emphasise the study of religions and beliefs as a means to counter extremism, and which have appeared since the publication of Signposts, are summarised and discussed critically. Attention is drawn to the dangers of certain policies, and also to the plurality of aims which studies of religions and non-religious world views need to have in providing a balanced educational programme.

In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state’s gender policies. In response to AKP’s attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism–Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women’s coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP’s gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women’s activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.

La religión parece presentarse en franco declive en nuestras sociedades modernas. No en vano, numerosos sociólogos vaticinaron el fin de la religión en favor de la ciencia y el saber técnico. No obstante, tales profecías no solo no parecen cumplirse, sino que la actualidad presenta un resurgir de la espiritualidad y la religión en lugares que no se esperaba y como respuesta al hastío de tanto materialismo. Así lo atestiguan sociólogos de contrastada experiencia y que parecen indicar que la tan aplaudida tesis de la secularización posee más de ideología que de realidad social. Atendemos pues en este artículo a tal situación con el fin de comprender mejor qué es lo que está ocurriendo en las modernas sociedades que parecen tenerlo todo y, en cambio, carecen de aspectos importantes como el sentido que guía una existencia. Religion appears to present itself in a clears downturn in our modern societies. Not in vain, many sociologists predicted the end of religion in favor of science and technical know-how. However, such prophecies not only do not seem to have been fulfilled, but currently there seems to be a resurgence of spirituality and religion in places that were not expected and in response to the weariness of great materialism. Sociologists of proven experience bear witness to this and suggest that the much-heralded thesis of secularization has more of ideology than of social reality. In this article, we thus deal with this reality in order to better understand what is happening in modern societies which, at the same time, appear to have everything in some aspects and contrastingly, lack what is more important, the full sense to human existence. Filosofía

Bu tezin amacı, moderniteyle birlikte düşünsel alana giren din-sekülerleşme ilişkisinin Türkiye'deki belli başlı ulusal gazetelerin köşe yazılarında ele alınışını ortaya çıkarmaktır. Bu çerçevede çalışmada sekülerleşme kavramsal ve kuramsal olarak ele alınmış ve bu kavramla ilintili olarak laiklik Türkiye özelinde din-devlet ilişkisi ana ekseninde tartışılmıştır. Daha sonra ise bulgular ve yorum kısmının analizinde kullanılacak yöntem ve model teze uyarlanarak modelin kullanılacak kısımları irdelenmiştir. Bu çerçevede uygulama kısmını, kavramsal laiklik ve sekülerleşme ile tipolojik sekülerleşme tartışmalarının analizi oluşturmaktadır.Bulgular çerçevesinde Türkiye'de sosyal anlamda yaşanan dikey hareketliliğin yatay bir sekülerleşmeye neden olduğu gözlemlenmiştir. Fakat bunun sekülerleşme-din ilişkisi açısından ters orantılı bir ilişki yerine diyalektik tarzda ele alınabileceği görülmektedir. Gazetelerde sekülerleşme ve laiklik tartışmalarının ele alınışında kavramların yeniden üretilme aşamasında ideolojik tutum, öteki algısı, güç/iktidar ilişkisindeki konum gibi faktörlerin önemli bir yeri olduğu görülmektedir. Bu çerçevede güce referansı noktasında iktidarın `rıza` ya dayalı bir hegemonik tutumla kavramlara yön verdiği söylenebilir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Din, Sekülerleşme, Laiklik, İdeoloji, Ötekileştirme, Güç,İktidar, Hegemonya The aim of this thesis is to reveal the handling of religion-secularization relation which has entered to intellectual field together with modernization, in columns of major newspapers. In this frame, secularization was handled conceptually and theoretically and related with this concept, secularism was discussed specific to Turkey and at main axis of religion-state relation. After that, findings as well as method and model to be used in the analysis of comments section were adapted to the thesis and the parts of the model to be used were examined. In this frame, application part consists of conceptual secularism and secularization and the analysis of typological secularization discussions. In the frame of findings, it was observed that the encountered vertical activity in social means in Turkey caused a horizontal secularization. However, it is observed that this can be handled in dialectic style instead of an inversely proportional relation in terms of secularization religion relation. It is observed in the handling of secularization and secularism discussions in the newspapers that factors such as ideological attitude, perception about the other, placement in power/rulership relation have an important place. In this frame at `reference to power` point, it can be said that rulership directs concepts with a hegemonic attitude which depends on consent.Keywords: Religion, Secularization, Secularism, Ideology, Othering, Power,Rulership, Hegemony 285

En este trabajo abordamos sólo la dimensión política del laicismo –no la cultural–, bien que Tocqueville fuera partidario destacado de ambas manifestaciones. Al abordar el hecho religioso, el autor de La democracia en América no se interesa en su dimensión teológica, sino en la puramente social. La religión juega aquí un papel estabilizador, tanto en la vida del individuo como en la de la comunidad. De hecho, su irrupción en la vida pública tiene lugar cuando se analizan las “causas principales”, entre las que se enumera, que preservan la república democrática. Su crucial importancia, ya insinuada en el rápido elenco de sujetos sobre los que actúa, se realza cuando se constata que su influencia abarca tanto el ámbito del pensamiento como el de la acción. Es eso lo que se analizará a continuación. Ahora bien, en nuestra crítica no sólo ponemos de manifiesto el supuesto de la confinación de la mujer al interior del hogar, exigido por su doctrina, o la expulsión del ateo del reino de la humanidad, al ser identificado como un vástago del demonio en un reino tan religioso como el de la sociedad americana, sino, igualmente, que la función de la religión como contrapunto a la pasión del bienestar pueda ser llevada con un mínimo de éxito. We have only afforded the political –not the cultural– aspect of the laicism although Tocqueville clearly supported both aspects. When approaching the religious fact, the author of the work The Democracy in America is not interested in the theological dimension but merely in the social one. The religion plays a stabilization role whether in the day life of each person or in the community life. In fact, its irruption in the public life takes place, when the main causes are analyzed, and, among other points, it is considered necessary to preserve the democratic republic. Its crucial importance was previously suggested when listing the quick list of people which it affects and it is enhanced when it becomes evident that its influence covers both the field of the thinking and the field of the action: this will be analyzed subsequently. Anyway, in our critical consideration, we have focussed not only in the confinement of the women in their homes according to the religious doctrine or in the expulsion of the atheists from the kingdom of the humanity because identified and considered as a devil sons –in the American society, a so religious kingdom– but also in the function of the religion as a counterpoint to the passion of the welfare which can be ruled with a minimum of success.

El retorno del fenómeno religioso, que se produce en el contexto de la denominada crisis de la modernidad, ha puesto en entredicho los alcances del proceso de secularización de las sociedades occidentales. Hoy se discute el papel que debería cumplir la religión en el ámbito público y su incidencia en el modelo de laicidad de los Estados constitucionales. De este modo, los conceptos de laicidad y de neutralidad estatal, propios de la tradición liberal, son cuestionados por algunos autores y se proponen modelos alternativos de relación entre Estado e Iglesia (o Iglesias), sobre la base de una concepción positiva de la libertad religiosa y de una valoración de lo religioso (y de ciertas religiones) por su trascendencia cultural o social. El propósito de este trabajo es cuestionar los alcances de la llamada laicidad positiva y sus efectos en la protección de los derechos de libertad e igualdad, con especial referencia al caso peruano. The return of the religious phenomenon, made in the so-called modernity crisis context, has brought into question the significance of the occidental societies’ secularization procedure. Nowadays, we discuss the role that the religion should fulfill in the public sphere and its influence in the constitutional states’ laicism model. In this way, the state’s laicism and neutrality, concepts of liberal tradition, are questioned by some authors and alternative models of the relationship between State and Church (or Churches) are being proposed. This made on the basis of a positive conception of the religious liberty and an assessment of the religious (and some religions) by their cultural or social significance. The purpose of this work is to question the significance of the so-called positive laicism and its effects in the protection of the liberty and equality rights, with special reference to the Peruvian case. Este trabajo es parte del proyecto de investigación denominado Cuestionamientos a la aplicación del principio de laicidad en el Estado peruano, ganador del Concurso Anual de Investigación 2013, y que ha sido financiado por la Dirección de Gestión de la Investigación (DGI) de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú.

Bu çalışmada laikleşme kuramının öncülerinin varsayımlarının aksine modernite fenomeni ile laikleşme arasında doğrudan ve tabii bir ilişkinin olmadığı öne sürülmüştür. Bu iddia Bosna'da yaşayan üç unsura (Boşnaklar, Sırplar ve Hırvatlar'a) eşit derecede yer verilerek ispatlanmaya çalışılmıştır. Çizgisel olarak ilerleyen ve aralıksız devam eden bir laikleşmeden daha çok laikleşmeden dönüş (dindarlaşma) akımının olduğu iddia edilmiştir.Bu çalışmanın iki hedefinden ilki özellikle teorik kavramlarına yoğunlaşılarak laikleşme kuramı hakkında olan tartışmayı incelemektir. İkinci hedefi ise bu kavramlara ek olarak nitel ve nicel verilerin katkısıyla Bosna Hersek'te ki mevcut durum ile laikliğin gelişimini incelemektir.Tezimizin ilk kısmı Peter L. Berger'in çalışmaları ile onun ''nomos'' ve ''anomy'' kavramları hakkında bilgi verir. Buna ek olarak, Grace Daive ve onun ''dolaylı dindarlık'' kavramı; laikleşme tartışmalarına en büyük katkıları bir ülke sınırları içinde ki laikleşmeye dair farklı tahlil (analiz) seviyelerini göstermek olan Jose Casanova ve Karel Dobbelaere gibi düşünürler de bu çalışma da incelenmiştir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Sekülerleşme tezi, Peter L. Berger, Etnik dinsel kimlik, Bosna Hersek, Dindarlaşma This study argues that the the phenomenon of secularization does not have such a strong and necessary connection with the phenomenon of modernity as assumed by the founders of the secularization thesis. This argument is demonstrated in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, equally taking into account all of three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats). This study forms that rather than a linear and continuous secularization, there is a trend of de-secularization.The two major purposes of that thesis are, first to analyze the ongoing debate regarding the secularization thesis, in particular, its theoretical conceptes. And second, with the help of these concepts, and further quantitative and qualitative data, to investigate the development of secularism and the current situation primarily in Bosnia and Herzegovina.The first part of the thesis provided an overview predominantly of the work of Peter L. Berger and his concepts of ''nomos'' or ''anomy''. In addition I examined Grace Davie and her concept of ''vicarious religion'' but also Jose Casanova and Karel Dobbelaere whose main contribution within the debate about secularism was to introduce different levels of analysis regarding the extent of secularization within one country.Keywords: Secularisation thesis, Peter L. Berger, Ethnoreligious identity, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Desecularization 111

No processo de progressiva secularização da sociedade, que, na Europa e na América, ganhou renovado fôlego a partir de finais do século XIX, as relações entre Estado e Igreja assumiram muitas vezes uma dinâmica conflituosa a que a historiografia convencionou chamar de “questão religiosa”. Neste artigo, proponho-me a analisar um momento alto dessa tensão relacional em Portugal a partir de um episódio concreto que, por uma convergência de circunstâncias e predisposições, se transformou num marco simbólico do processo de laicização da sociedade portuguesa. Trata-se da polêmica gerada em torno da vocação religiosa da filha do cônsul do Brasil na cidade do Porto — caso que conduziu a um dos mais acesos e participados debates sobre religiosidade, direitos individuais e confessionalidade do Estado, envolvendo instâncias governamentais e sociedade civil numa mobilização até então nunca vista em assuntos dessa natureza. Anticongreganismo, anticlericalismo e militância laica foram os protagonistas desse episódio, que envolveu cidadãos e chancelarias brasileiras e no qual é possível identificar, com toda a clareza, as linhas de clivagem as quais viriam mais tarde a determinar os contornos da questão religiosa durante o regime republicano, entre 1910 e 1926., En el proceso de secularización progresiva de la sociedad, que, en Europa y América, ganó renovada fuerza a partir de finales del siglo 19, las relaciones entre la Iglesia y el Estado tomaron muchas veces una dinámica de conflicto a que la historiografía acordó llamar de “cuestión religiosa”. En este artículo, propongo analizar un punto alto de esta tensión relacional en Portugal a partir de un episodio específico que, por una convergencia de circunstancias y predisposiciones, se ha convertido en un marco simbólico del proceso de secularización de la sociedad portuguesa. La polémica en torno a la vocación religiosa de la hija del cónsul de Brasil en Porto es un caso que ha ocasionado uno de los debates más acalorados y concurridos sobre la religiosidad, los derechos individuales y la confesionalidad del Estado, con participación de las instancias gubernamentales y de la sociedad civil en una movilización hasta entonces nunca vista en tales materias. El anticongregacionalismo, el anticlericalismo y la militancia laica fueron los protagonistas de este episodio, que involucró a los ciudadanos y las cancillerías brasileñas. Es posible identificar en ello, con toda claridad, las líneas de división que más tarde determinarían los contornos de la cuestión religiosa durante el régimen republicano, entre 1910 y 1926., In the process of progressive secularization of society, which gained strength after the late 19th century in Europe and America, the relationships between State and Church assumed a conflicting dynamic that historiography began to call “religious question”. In this article, I propose to analyze the highpoint of this relational tension in Portugal based on a concrete episode, which, due to a convergence of circumstances and predispositions, became a symbol of the laicization of the Portuguese society. It is the polemic generated around the religious calling of the daughter of a Brazilian consul in Porto — situation that led to one of the most fierce debates about religiousness, individual rights, and confessionality of the State, involving governmental instances and civil society in an unprecedented mobilization in such matters. Anticongreganism, anticlericalism, and laic militancy were the key elements of this episode that involved Brazilian citizens and chancelleries and in which it is possible to clearly understand some of the most important cleavages that would later on determine the outcome of the religious question during the Republican regime, between 1910 and 1926., Dans le processus de sécularisation progressive de la société, qui, en Europe et en Amérique, renouvela son élan à la fin du XIXe siècle, les relations entre l’Église et l’État se présentèrent souvent comme une dynamique conflictuelle que l’historiographie dénomme de «question religieuse». Dans cet article, je me propose d’analyser un point culminant que cette difficile relation prit au Portugal, à partir de l’étude d’un épisode spécifique qui, par un concours de circonstances et prédispositions, fut érigé en événement marquant pour le processus de sécularisation de la société portugaise. Il s’agit de la controverse générée autour de la vocation religieuse de la fille de consul du Brésil à Porto — affaire qui conduisit à un des débats les plus houleux sur la religiosité, les droits individuels et le caractère confessionnel de l’Etat, qui impliqua aussi bien les instances gouvernementales que la société civile en une mobilisation inédite pour ce genre de thèmes. L’anti-congrégationalisme, l’anticléricalisme et le militantisme laïque furent les protagonistes de cet épisode, dans lequel s’engagèrent citoyens et chancelleries brésiliens, et où on peut identifier en toute netteté les lignes de clivage qui devraient plus tard façonner les contours de la question religieuse pendant la 1ère république portugaise, entre 1910 et 1926.

Bu tezin amacı, çok kültürlü, çok etnikli ve çok dinli bir yapı olan Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son döneminde başlayıp, bir ulus-devlet olarak kurulan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti döneminde devam eden sekülerleşme süreci ile Türkiye'de yaşayan etnik grupların kimlik oluşumu arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmaktır. Çalışmada sekülerleşme hem politik hem de sosyal yönleriyle ele alınmıştır; tüm etnik grupların yönetimsel olarak bağlı bulunduğu politik merkezin sekülerleşmesi (önce İstanbul sonra Ankara) ve sosyal dinamiklerin devrede olduğu toplumsal sekülerleşme. Kapsamlı bir teorik tartışmanın gerekliliğinden yola çıkarak seküler/sekülerizm, millet/milliyetçilik ve kimlik konuları farklı perspektiflerden ele alınmış ve bu öncül teorik okuma yapılan röportajlarla desteklenmiştir. Temel çerçeve, inşacılık (constructivism) ile araçsalcı (instrumentalist) yaklaşımın iç içe geçtiği bir yerde bulunan sosyal girişimcilik (entrepreneurship) olarak belirlenmiştir. Hem esneklik hem de kapsayıcılık sağlayan bu çerçeve güçlü bir izah kapasitesi taşımaktadır ki tezin konusu açısından bu bir gerekliliktir. Dini kimlik etrafında kurulan bir toplum olan Osmanlı toplumundan modern bir ulus olarak tasarlanan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ne geçiş süreci bu çalışmanın temel çerçevesini oluşturmaktadır. Birçok ulus inşası tecrübesinde sekülerleşme süreci merkezi bir yere sahip olmuşturçünkü ulusalcı düşünce ulusal iradenin dışında ya da üstünde herhangi bir güç kabul etmeme temayülündedir. Dolayısıyla sekülerizm ulusalcılığın meşrulaştırıcı ideolojisi olarak fonksiyon icra eder. Sekülerleşme süreci etrafında örgülenen bu çalışma Osmanlı-Türk modernleşmesinin önemli bir boyutunu ele alarak Türkiye'de hala tartışılmakta olan laiklik konusuna da ışık tutmuş olacaktır. This thesis aims to explore the causal relationship between the process of secularization from the context of a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious empire (Ottoman Empire) to that of a nation state (Turkish Republic) and identity building among major ethnic groups in Turkey. Secularization is taken both as secularization of the political center (Istanbul during the Ottoman Era and later Ankara) and secularization of society. The study covers a comprehensive theoretical debate around the concepts of secular/secularism, nation/nationalism and identity. In an effort to find out which approach fits as the best explanatory tool in the context of Turkey different schools of thought on these concepts are looked into in a comparative way. The interplay between identity and secularism will be analyzed through a perspective of social entrepreneurship which combines constructivist approach with instrumentalist and brings powerful explanatory tools with all its flexibility. The process of nation-building in Turkey and the transformation from a society which is structured along religious identity to another one defined as a modern nation is the core subject of this study. The process of secularization is central to nation-building because in most cases nationalism tends to accept no power beyond or above the will of the nation and secularism functions as the legitimizing ideology of the nation-building process. This study covers an important aspect of Ottoman-Turkish modernization by covering secularization since the issue is at the heart of the whole modernization process and remains to be a relevant debate in Turkey. 104

S obzirom na napetosti i neslaganja oko odgovora na pitanje koja je uloga religije ili institucionalizirane religijske zajednice u javnom diskursu, osobito gledom na političku zajednicu, potrebno je predstaviti neke teoretske uvide važne za razumijevanje odnosa Crkve i države u uvjetima moderne liberalne države. Stoga se u prvom poglavlju govori o odnosu politike i religije iz perspektive filozofije, naslanjaju-ći se osobito na razmišljanja Jürgena Habermasa. Laičnost u smislu sekularnosti, tj. odvojenosti državnih institucija i Crkve kao institucije ne oslobađa vjernike njihove građanske i političke odgovornosti za zajednicu u kojoj žive. Religiozni građani pozvani su na jednak način sudjelovati u javnom diskursu o pitanjima koja se tiču politike i države u kojoj žive kao i nereligiozni građani upravo zbog toga što su kao građani jednako odgovorni za funkcioniranje države i jer se to njih kao građana u prvom redu i tiče. Pritom su dužni svoja uvjerenja izreći jezikom prikladnim javnom diskursu. S druge strane, nereligiozni gra-đani trebali bi biti spremni religiozne građane koje susreću u javnom političkom diskursu prihvaćati kao ravnopravne sudionike u procesu javne uporabe razuma. Pozitivan doprinos stvaranju konstruktivnog odnosa politike i religije u javnom diskursu može dati filozofija, koja se u posljednje vrijeme i sama sve više bavi pitanjima i politike i religije. U drugom poglavlju, služeći se analizama sociologa Hansa Joasa, suprotstavljaju se teze protivnika i zagovornika religije koje se obje pokazuju kao neodržive: 1. modernizacija društva nužno vodi u sekularizaciju; 2. sekularizacija vodi u moralnu propast. Prva teza pokazala se pogrešnom između ostaloga i zbog pogrešnoga razumijevanja religije zagovornika te teze. Drugu tezu opovrgava iskustvo modernih sekularnih država u kojima se nije dogodila moralna propast. Opovrgavanje teze o sekularizaciji poziva na novo promišljanje o bîti religije i modernizacije, a opovrgavanje teze o moralnoj destrukciji poziva na novo promišljanje o povezanosti morala i religije. To obje strane obvezuje na novi napor i ulaganje u stvaranje odnosa međusobnog 428 Nenad Malović, Laičnost – prilike i zablude povjerenja i dobronamjernosti. Treće poglavlje bavi se činjenicom pluralnosti sekularne države i važnošću političkoga u kontekstu civilnoga društva. Raspravlja se o mjestu i ulozi religije i organizirane religijske zajednice u civilnom društvu s naglaskom na značenje i posljedice (i za državu i za Crkvu) prihvaćanja principa vjerske slobode i privatnog karaktera vjere. Nerazumijevanje (namjerno ili nenamjerno) ovih principa dovodi do devijacija u odnosima države i Crkve. U zaključku se donose neke prilike i zablude (o) laičnosti., Considering the tensions and disagreements about the answer to the question what is the role of religion or an institutionalized religious community in public discourse, especially with regard to the political community, it is necessary to give some theoretical insights important for understanding the relationships between the Church and state in terms of the modern liberal state. Therefore, the first chapter discusses the relationship between politics and religion from 29 Usp. Josef Schmidt, Ein Dialog, in dem es nur Gewinner geben kann, u: Michael Reder, Josef Schmidt (ur.), Ein Bewußtsein von dem, was fehlt. Eine Diskussion mi Jürgen Habermas, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 2008., 79­93. 30 “Vjerno prianjajući uz evanđelje i vršeći svoje poslanje u svijetu, Crkva ima zadaću podržavati i uzdizati što god se istinito, dobro i lijepo nađe u ljudskoj zajednici; tako ona Bogu na slavu učvršćuje mir među ljudima.” (GS 76) 444 Nenad Malović, Laičnost – prilike i zablude the view of philosophy, particularly drawing on the thinking of Jürgen Habermas. Laicism in terms of secularity, i.e. separation of state institutions from the Church as an institution, does not exempt believers of their civic and political responsibility to the community in which they live. Religious people are equally called to take part in public discourse about the issues related to politics and the state in which they live as the irreligious people, just because they are as citizens equally responsible for the function of the state and because it’s primarily them who are as citizens concerned. In doing so they are obliged to express their beliefs in a language appropriate to public discourse. Also, irreligious people should be ready to accept the religious people who they meet in public political discourse as full partners in the process of public use of reason. Philosophy can offer a positive contribution to creating a constructive relationship between politics and religion in public discourse, which recently has been increasingly concerned with the issues of politics and religion. In the second chapter, using the analyses of a sociologist Hans Joas, the theses of the opponents and advocates of religion are confronted, but both appear to be unsustainable: 1. Modernization of society necessarily leads to secularization; 2. Secularization leads to moral decay. The former thesis proved wrong because of, among other things, misinterpretation of the religion of that thesis’ advocates. The latter thesis is refuted by the experience of modern secular states in which there has been no moral disasters. The refutation of the thesis of secularization calls for a new reflection on the essence of religion and modernization, and the refutation of the thesis of moral destruction calls for a new reflection on the connection between morality and religion. It obliges both parties to a new effort and investment in creating mutual trust and good will. The third chapter deals with the fact of plurality of a secular state and importance of politics in the context of civil society. It discusses the place and role of religion and organized religious community in civil society with emphasis on significance and consequences (both for the state and Church) of accepting the principles of religious freedom and private character of faith. Lack of understanding (intentionally or unintentionally) leads to deviations in the relationship between the state and Church. The conclusion presents some opportunities and misconceptions of (about) laicism.

Tunisia’s main secular party, Nidaa Tounes, emerged as the largest force in the October 2014 parliamentary elections. The party’s leader has also a high chance of being elected president in a runoff ballot in late December. The results risk to increase polarization between Islamists and secularists, especially if Nidaa Tounes forms an all-secular government coalition. It might also deepen frictions between the country’s marginalized regions and the richer Tunis and coastal belt. Already, the success of Tunisia’s main secular party has triggered protests in the poor south, as some people accuse Nidaa Tounes of rejecting more conservative sections of society and criticize its close associations with some former members of Ben Ali’s regime and the business sector. These ties and vested interests are likely to make it more difficult to launch structural economic reforms. They also risk to foster alienation, especially among young Tunisians, and might trigger radicalization. Europe should continue to support Tunisia’s young democracy with financial aid as well as specific economic and security expertise, and, most importantly, promote cooperation between various ideological forces. (Autorenreferat)