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Climate change is causing shifts in biogeography of marine species, towards higher latitude, deeper waters, or following local temperature gradients. Such species distribution changes are affecting global fisheries through increasing the dominance of warmer-water preferred species as ocean temperature increases. Previous modeling analyses projected that climate-induced changes in seafood availability would affect the entire seafood chain. However, observed climate impacts on seafood retailers and consumers have rarely been demonstrated. Seafood restaurants usually rely on the supply of locally caught species, and thus the impacts of changing catches on the food they serve, and consequently on their diners, may be reflected in their menus. In this study, 362 restaurant menus from Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, were collated and analyzed over four different time periods (1880–1960, 1961–1980, 1981–1996, and 2019–2021). Moreover, 148 present-day menus from two other cities north (Anchorage, AK, USA) and south (Los Angeles, CA, USA) of Vancouver were also collected. An index, herein called Mean Temperature of Restaurant Seafood (MTRS), was calculated from the average temperature preference of the species of seafood identified in the menus for each time period or location. Overall, the MTRS of menus from Vancouver increased from 10.7 ± 0.7 °C to 13.8 ± 1.0 °C (95% confidence intervals) between 1888–1960 and 2019–2021. Present-day MTRS was among the highest in Los Angeles (16.5 ± 1.7 °C) and lowest in Anchorage (9.6 ± 1.0 °C). The temporal and spatial variations in MTRS are significantly related to observed patterns of average sea surface temperature and the Mean Temperature of the Catch. This suggests that restaurant menus may be used as a complementary information source regarding changes in marine ecosystems and fisheries and the seafood sector's responses to these changes. This study also highlights the value of using unconventional information sources and their applications in the detection of climate impacts on oceans and their dependent human communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fish have long been of importance to North Korea, vital to its developmental ambitions, and through structures of division such as the Northern Limit Line, also to its politics. Fish and seafood in general have been key elements in the cuisine and dietary practices of the Korean peninsula since the beginning of its recorded history. Korean food frequently has fish, molluscs and cephalopods at its heart, from more common forms such as jjigae stews 찌개, to the challenging san-nakji 산낙지 (live octopus). Fish is eaten everywhere on the Korean peninsula, though of course it is less frequently eaten in the interior and in mountainous areas. Fish and seafood products are also eaten across all social classes on the Korean peninsula and in Korean history. In particular miyeok 미역 or wind/beach dried kelp has long been a vital element in Korean cooking, and the drying of miyoek by coastal communities was a key element to many of those communities social and economic practices in previous sentences. Of course there were varieties of seafood and maritime products that only the rich and elite could afford, and places where such food could be bought and consumed naturally became rarefied and expensive places, and seafood became an important element in the rediscovered "Korean Royal Court Cuisine" 조선왕조 궁중요리 Joseon wangjo gungjung yori, which harked back to the food practices of the Joseon dynasty. North Korea itself claims or aspires to be a classless society and a political space where there are no elites, and where the memory of the Joseon dynasty is dismissed as a feudal aberration. This paper explores an element of the reality of North Korea dining and food consumption and practices, particularly around seafood. Considering the vital importance of fishing and seafood to North Korea, particularly as a source of revenue and goods for export, and the role of fish and maritime products as a vital source of protein in Pyongyang's conceptions of socialist developmental practice, the paper in particular considers the environmental and ecological histories of the seas around the north of the Korean peninsula in mind, as well as North Korea's history of aquaculture, and efforts to farm particular species like Sturgeon and Atlantic Cod. Having done this the paper seeks to understand what the presence of elite fish restaurants and dining places in Pyongyang, and the research and logistics required to support them mean within the nation's environmental and developmental history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Marine fishing commons in India produce highly diverse, seasonal seafood catch. • Main markets that pay high prices for seafood in India are urban. • Urban seafood consumption focuses on ~ 6 species groups on average through the year. • Mismatch between seafood harvest and consumption disincentivizes fishing commons. • Sustaining seafood supplies requires managing seafood commons. The sustainability of global fisheries has emerged as a major concern for the future of marine biodiversity. In the spheres of seafood production and consumption, strict regulation of fisheries and more recently, ethical certifications of seafood products, are favoured as a means to ensure thriving fish stocks and healthy oceans. However, research has shown that such restrictions and market-driven certifications have had mixed results, with socio-ecological impacts detrimental to the long-term sustainability of tropical fisheries in the Global South. We approach this issue of fisheries sustainability in the Global South from the perspective of common pool resources by considering the practices of seafood producers, retailers and consumers, and their inter-connectedness with marine fishing commons. We build on critical literature on commoning using data on consumption preferences of 531 seafood consumers and seafood availability in 400 seafood restaurants across 4 metros in India, and examine the extent to which seafood consumption patterns and availability can facilitate or unsettle marine fishing commons. We identify patterns of selective seafood consumption and dependence on niche markets that are translated across seafood supply chains and disrupt initiatives by fishers to sustainably manage local fisheries. We then discuss efforts to increase consumer awareness and recommend building community-supported fisheries through initiatives like InSeason Fish. In conclusion, we argue that discourse in fisheries sustainability should be theoretically recast through a 'seafood commons' that integrates practices of diverse resource users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US seafood sector is susceptible to shocks, both because of the seasonal nature of many of its domestic fisheries and its global position as a top importer and exporter of seafood. However, many data sets that could inform science and policy during an emerging event do not exist or are only released months or years later. Here, we synthesize multiple data sources from across the seafood supply chain, including unconventional real‐time data sets, to show the relative initial responses and indicators of recovery during the COVID‐19 pandemic. We synthesized news articles from January to September 2020 that reported effects of COVID‐19 on the US seafood sector, including processor closures, shortened fishing seasons and loss of revenue. Concerning production and distribution, we assessed past and present landings and trade data and found substantial declines in fresh seafood catches (−40%), imports (−37%) and exports (−43%) relative to the previous year, while frozen seafood products were generally less affected. Google search trends and seafood market foot traffic data suggest consumer demand for seafood from restaurants dropped by upwards of 70% during lockdowns, with recovery varying by state. However, these declines were partially offset by an increase (270%) in delivery and takeout service searches. Our synthesis of open‐access data sets and media reports shows widespread, but heterogeneous, ramifications of COVID‐19 across the seafood sector, implying that policymakers should focus support on states and sub‐sectors most affected by the pandemic: fishery‐dependent communities, processors, and fisheries and aquaculture that focus on fresh products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]