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To understand physical violence in the family, it is important to define the role of the victim. The term "scapegoat" is a universal anthropological concept, often used in sociological theories, where a certain group of people and/or minorities are often victimized or blamed (e.g., social ills). We may note that the phenomenon of scapegoating is most clearly expressed in the Bible. Therefore, we will use relevant biblical texts that refer to parental use of corporal punishment in which a child is scapegoated and/or victimized by parental violence. In this sense, the Bible is the most profound explanation and manifestation of the cultural, social, and especially religious development of humanity. At the same time, the concept of scapegoating is also demonstrated in psychology and therapy, where it also serves as a basis for understanding, for example, physical violence in the family, and where it is also crucial to define the role of the victim. In this article, therefore, we will explain the biblical background of this concept and highlight two basic dynamics of violence against children in the family: when the child is the "scapegoat" for unresolved tensions in the family and when the child becomes the "sacrifice" or victim of the dysregulated emotional response of his or her parents., (© 2023. The Author(s).)

The clinical literature on narcissistic families has often described the presence of a family scapegoat. To date, however, no research has empirically explored this phenomenon. This study investigated the relationship between perceived parental vulnerable and grandiose narcissism and scapegoating, and the impact of these on the symptoms of anxiety and depression in emerging adults, in a sample of 504 Australian adults ( M age = 3.63; 59.72% female, 38.09% male). A path model was tested, with perceived parental vulnerable and grandiose narcissism as predictors, scapegoating as a mediator, and participants' anxiety and depression as outcomes, controlling for demographic variables and participants' vulnerable and grandiose narcissism. Results indicated that higher perceived paternal grandiose narcissism had a direct effect on anxiety and depression, whereas perceived maternal vulnerable narcissism, perceived paternal vulnerable narcissism, and perceived maternal grandiose narcissism had indirect effects on anxiety and depression SD scapegoating. Effect sizes were generally small to medium. These findings show that scapegoating is an important variable linking parental narcissism with negative psychological outcomes such as anxiety and depression in emerging adults.age = 3.63; 59.72% female, 38.09% male). A path model was tested, with perceived parental vulnerable and grandiose narcissism as predictors, scapegoating as a mediator, and participants' anxiety and depression as outcomes, controlling for demographic variables and participants' vulnerable and grandiose narcissism. Results indicated that higher perceived paternal grandiose narcissism had a direct effect on anxiety and depression, whereas perceived maternal vulnerable narcissism, perceived paternal vulnerable narcissism, and perceived maternal grandiose narcissism had indirect effects on anxiety and depression via scapegoating. Effect sizes were generally small to medium. These findings show that scapegoating is an important variable linking parental narcissism with negative psychological outcomes such as anxiety and depression in emerging adults.

Background: The drug supply model termed 'County Lines' has generated extensive attention over recent years in the UK. Associated street violence, the involvement of young people and exploitation have been the source of intense concern. However, little discussion has sought to situate this drug market 'phenomenon' in relation to recent austerity policies and intensifying social exclusion. Drawing on Douglas' (1995) conceptualisation of scapegoating as a process of blame transfer, this paper provides a critical analysis of the ways that attention has been diverted from the social conditions that are arguably fundamental to driving involvement in this supply model and its associated harms., Methods: A critical discourse analysis was undertaken on publicly available content on the subject of County Lines. Sources included newspaper articles, other media outputs, official publications and parliamentary debates. These were analysed to identify scapegoating discourses. Once established, these were theoretically developed by drawing on a range of extant perspectives., Results: Three forms of scapegoating related to County Lines were identified. A familiar process was found in the form of 'gang talk', with County Lines reduced as a product of these 'evil' groups. A notably less familiar outlet of blame was identified in the form of middle class cocaine users, with a range of powerful actors attempting to denounce this 'imagined' population as fuelling the market. A final form was identified in relation to drug legalisation campaigns, with an unwavering focus on prohibition also arguably serving to obfuscate underlying structural drivers., Discussion: Scapegoating for the issue of County Lines has taken multiple forms. The role of these discourses in diverting attention away from the social conditions that drive these market harms should be recognised and challenged. In their place, political economy and addressing social exclusion should be at the fore of policy discussions., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The author has no potential conflicts of interest to disclose., (Copyright © 2020. Published by Elsevier B.V.)

Mothers are blamed for a variety of negative experiences and outcomes of their children, including child sexual abuse (CSA). According to just world hypothesis (JWH), people have a need to view the world as one where there is no such thing as an innocent victim; that is, the world is fair and just. These beliefs predict victim blaming in situations such as sexual abuse, physical abuse, and robbery. However, JWH has not been applied to the examination of mother blame, a situation in which the blame target did not directly experience the traumatic event. We examined this application in two studies: (a) a thematic analysis of focus group discussions and (b) a correlational study. Across both studies, participants identified personal characteristics of the mother that either increased or decreased blame, consistent with JWH. However, when directly asked, most participants denied holding just world beliefs, particularly as related to child sexual abuse. Our results indicate that methodological choices might affect results, and that socially constructed views of "ideal mothers" influence mother blame. We discuss implications for validity of just world theory (JWT), methodological choices, and reduction of mother blame.

When observing an ostracism episode, observers may wish to know whether ostracism is justified or not. If ostracism appears unjustified, observers will likely blame the sources and sympathize with the target; if it appears justified, observers will likely blame and devalue the target. Here we introduce the "social dissimilarity rule," which holds that observers base their moral judgments on dissimilarities between the members of the observed group. In five studies, participants either recalled observed ostracism episodes or observed group interactions in which one group member was ostracized (e.g., in a chat or a group-working task). Results show that if similar persons exclude a dissimilar target (target is an "odd-one-out"), observers attribute ostracism to malicious motives of the ostracizers, such as ingroup favoritism, and devalue the ostracizers. However, if ostracism cannot be explained by social dissimilarity between the sources and the target, observers assume that the target is being punished for a norm deviation (punitive motive) and devalue the target. Use of the social dissimilarity rule was neither moderated by cognitive load (Study 3) nor by the perceived essentiality of the group distinction (Study 4). But if participants knew that the target previously deviated from a norm, knowledge about the situation had a stronger effect on moral judgments (Study 5) than social dissimilarity. These findings further our understanding of how observers make moral judgments about ostracism, which is important given that an observer's moral judgment can strongly impact bystander behavior and thus target recovery and well-being. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).)

This article examines victims' purported complicity in the judicial failures of domestic violence law to protect them in Cambodia. It is based on 3 years (2012-2014) of research in Siem Reap and Pursat Provinces on the everyday politics of the 2005 "Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence and the Protection of the Victims" (DV Law). The project questioned why investments in DV Law are faltering and took a multi-stakeholder approach to do so. In addition to 40 interviews with female domestic violence victims, the research included 50 interviews with legal and health professionals, NGO workers, low- and high-ranking police officers, religious figures, and local government authority leaders who each have an occupational investment in the implementation and enforcement of DV Law. Forming the backbone of the article, the findings from this latter sample reveal how women are construed not only as barriers "clouding the judgment of law" but also as actors denying the agency of institutional stakeholders (and law itself) to bring perpetrators to account. The findings suggest that DV Law has the potential to entrench, rather than diminish, an environment of victim blaming. In turn, the article signals the importance of research on, and better professional support of, intermediaries who (discursively) administrate the relationship between DV Law and the victims/citizens it seeks to protect.

Taking blame for another person's misconduct may occur at relatively high rates for less serious crimes. The authors examined individual differences and situational factors related to this phenomenon by surveying college students (n = 213) and men enrolled in substance abuse treatment programs (n = 42). Among college students, conscientiousness and delinquency predicted their likelihood of being in a situation in which it was possible to take the blame for another person's misconduct. Situational factors, including the relationship with the perpetrator, the seriousness of the offense, feelings of responsibility for the offense, and differential consequences between the offender and the blame taker, were associated with college students' decisions to take the blame. Among substance abuse treatment participants, individuals who took the blame for another person's misconduct were more extraverted, reported feeling more loyalty toward the true perpetrator, and indicated more incentives to take the blame than individuals who did not take the blame. Links between theories of helping behavior and situational factors that predict blame taking are discussed., (Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.)

In emotionally focused couple therapy (EFT), the blamer-softening event helps individuals express and respond to partners' unmet attachment needs. This study examined the impact of this event in relation to attachment at intake and changes in marital satisfaction from pre- to posttherapy. Thirty-two couples were provided an average of 21 sessions of EFT. Hierarchical linear modeling revealed that the occurrence of a softening event significantly predicted increased marital satisfaction. Furthermore, the occurrence of a softening event significantly moderated the relationship between attachment avoidance at intake and change in marital satisfaction from pre- to posttherapy. For couples who had a softening event, partners with higher levels of attachment avoidance were less likely to have positive changes in marital satisfaction., (© 2014 American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy.)

False confessions are often involved in wrongful convictions and are sometimes made to protect someone else (i.e., the guilty), perhaps as a way of reciprocating past favors. Experimental research has neglected to investigate false confessions made to protect someone else, including among adolescents who may be particularly vulnerable given their peer orientation and sensitivity to peer influence. The present study examined (a) how often individuals would falsely confess to take the blame for another's wrongdoing, and (b) whether the willingness to falsely confess would vary by age group and reciprocity. Adult (n = 99, M age = 20.29) and adolescent (n = 74, M age = 15.47) participants were randomly assigned to either receive or not receive a small favor from a confederate, witnessed the confederate cheat on a task, and then decided whether to sign a statement taking the blame for the confederate's cheating. Adolescents (59%) were more likely to falsely confess than adults (39%). No effect of reciprocity was found. Although a well-documented phenomenon in legal cases and field studies, the present study provides the first experimental evidence concerning voluntary false confessions to protect another, including developmental differences in this tendency. Results highlight the vulnerability of youth and the potential role of peers in legal decision making., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

Background: Most current knowledge of the incidence of medical adverse events (AEs) comes from studies carried out in hospital settings. Little is known about AEs occurring outside hospitals, in spite the fact that most of contacts between patients and health care take place in primary care. Small sample population studies report that 4-49% of the general public have experienced AEs related to their own or family members´ care.The purpose with the present study was to investigate the occurrence of experienced medical adverse events in a large general population., Methods: We invited 19763 inhabitants of a municipality in northern Norway, age 30 years and older, to fill in a questionnaire. Main outcome measures were life time prevalence of AEs experienced by respondents or their first degree relatives, perceived responsibility for and predictors of such events, as well as formal complaints as a reaction to the events., Results: The response rate was 66%. Nine and 10% of the respondents reported self-experienced adverse events, and 15 and 19% (men and women, respectively) that their relatives had experienced AEs. Logistic regression models showed that the strongest predictors of reporting self-experienced adverse events were: Having been persuaded to accept an unwanted examination or treatment, difficulties in getting a referral from primary to specialist health care, and inadequate communication with the doctor. Of the respondents who had experienced adverse events personally, 62% placed the responsibility for the event on the general practitioner, 39% on the hospital doctor, and 19% on failing routines or cooperation. Only 7% of men and 14% of women who reported self-experienced events handed in a formal complaint., Conclusions: The public predominantly place the responsibility for medical adverse events on doctors, in particular general practitioners, and to a lesser degree on the system. This should be emphasised by doctors and managers who communicate with patients who have experienced AEs, and in patient safety work. Only a small fraction of adverse events results in a formal written complaint. Therefore, such complaints are of limited value as a basis for patient safety work.

People are often encouraged to focus on the future and strive for long-term goals. This noted, the authors argue that this future orientation is associated with intolerance of personal uncertainty, as people usually cannot be certain that their efforts will pay off. To be able to tolerate personal uncertainty, people adhere strongly to the belief in a just world, paradoxically resulting in harsher reactions toward innocent victims. In three experiments, the authors show that a future orientation indeed leads to more negative evaluations of an innocent victim (Study 1), enhances intolerance of personal uncertainty (Study 2), and that experiencing personal uncertainty leads to more negative evaluations of a victim (Study 3). So, while a future orientation enables people to strive for long-term goals, it also leads them to be harsher toward innocent victims. One underlying mechanism causing these reactions is intolerance of personal uncertainty, associated with a future orientation.

The authors present a model that specifies 2 psychological motives underlying scapegoating, defined as attributing inordinate blame for a negative outcome to a target individual or group, (a) maintaining perceived personal moral value by minimizing feelings of guilt over one's responsibility for a negative outcome and (b) maintaining perceived personal control by obtaining a clear explanation for a negative outcome that otherwise seems inexplicable. Three studies supported hypotheses derived from this dual-motive model. Framing a negative outcome (environmental destruction or climate change) as caused by one's own harmful actions (value threat) or unknown sources (control threat) both increased scapegoating, and these effects occurred indirectly through feelings of guilt and perceived personal control, respectively (Study 1), and were differentially moderated by affirmations of moral value and personal control (Study 2). Also, scapegoating in response to value threat versus control threat produced divergent, theoretically specified effects on self-perceptions and behavioral intentions (Study 3)., (2012 APA, all rights reserved)

Over 40 years of work on lying in psychology and communication has investigated numerous 'cues to deception'- the subtle signals people show when they are lying. One of these cues to deception is 'response latency' or the gap that occurs between questions and the lying response. The current investigation uses the methodology of conversation analysis to re-consider the question of response latency in the context of lying. Drawing on data from two naturalistic sources, the television shows COPS and the Jeremy Kyle Show, this investigation analyses response latencies in order to show the regular organization of gaps between turns in both lies and non-lies. The current investigation demonstrates that in blame shifting turns which are lies, any gaps between turns result from a display of upcoming 'trouble', rather than being related to lying per se. The investigation highlights the need to analyse lies in the contexts in which they are told, taking prior and subsequent talk into account., (©2010 The Authors. British Journal of Social Psychology © 2010 The British Psychological Society.)

Being human implies a particular moral status: having moral value, agency, and responsibility. However, people are not seen as equally human. Across two studies, we examine the consequences that subtle variations in the perceived humanness of actors or groups have for their perceived moral status. Drawing on Haslam's two-dimensional model of humanness and focusing on three ways people may be considered to have moral status - moral patiency (value), agency, or responsibility - we demonstrate that subtly denying humanness to others has implications for whether they are blamed, praised, or considered worthy of moral concern and rehabilitation. Moreover, we show that distinct human characteristics are linked to specific judgments of moral status. This work demonstrates that everyday judgments of moral status are influenced by perceptions of humanness., (©2010 The British Psychological Society.)

Objective: While the relationship between abusive parenting and violent delinquency has been well established, the cognitive and emotional processes by which this occurs remain relatively unidentified. The objective of this work is to apply a conceptual model linking abusive parenting to the conversion of shame into blaming others and therefore to violent delinquency., Methods: A retrospective study of 112 adolescents (90 male; 22 female; ages 12-19 years; M=15.6; SD=1.4) who were incarcerated in a juvenile detention facility pending criminal charges, completed measures of exposure to abusive and nonabusive discipline, expressed and converted shame, and violent delinquency., Results: Findings tend to confirm the conceptual model. Subjects who converted shame (i.e., low expressed shame, high blaming others) tended to have more exposure to abusive parenting and showed more violent delinquent behavior than their peers who showed expressed shame. Subjects who showed expressed shame (i.e., high expressed shame, low blaming others) showed less violent delinquency than those who showed converted shame., Conclusions: Abusive parenting impacts delinquency directly and indirectly through the effects of shame that is converted. Abusive parenting leads to the conversion of shame to blaming others, which in turn leads to violent delinquent behavior., Practice Implications: For juvenile offenders, the conversion of shame into blaming others appears to contribute to pathological outcomes in relation to trauma. Translation of this work into clinical practice is recommended., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

This article examines why people may blame innocent victims of robbery or sexual assault. We propose that in experiential mind-sets associative links are formed between the victim and the negative event. As the creation of such links is independent of explicit beliefs, people in experiential mind-sets produce negative reactions to the victim independent of their just-world beliefs. Rationalistic mind-sets, however, instigate propositional and consistency-based reasoning. For people who strongly endorse just-world beliefs (such as people who have strong predispositions to believe that the world is just or whose just-world beliefs have been threatened strongly), learning about an innocent victim creates a logically inconsistent system of beliefs. This inconsistency can be resolved by blaming the victim. For people who only weakly endorse just-world beliefs, there is no inconsistency in the first place and therefore no need to blame the victim. Two experiments support this line of reasoning.

I examine the ways that bereaved older adults attribute responsibility for their late spouses' deaths, and the consequences of such attributions for psychological adjustment to loss. Data are from the Changing Lives of Older Couples, a prospective study of married persons ages 65 and older Bereaved persons whose late spouse smoked and had a sedentary lifestyle attributed higher levels of blame to the decedent. Persons who believe that their late spouse's stressful lifestyle and poor health care compliance contributed to the death report significantly lower levels of yearning, yet these effects are no longer statistically significant when marital quality is controlled. Bereaved spouses who believe health care providers contributed to the death report significantly more anger symptoms. The findings suggest that older adults adhere to a "secular morality"; deceased spouses who previously maintained unhealthy lifestyles are viewed as partly responsible for their own deaths.

Aim: Workplace bullying is a growing concern amongst health professionals. Our aim was to explore the frequency, nature, and extent of workplace bullying in an Auckland Hospital (Auckland, New Zealand)., Method: A cross-sectional questionnaire survey of house officers and registrars at a tertiary hospital was conducted., Results: There was an overall response rate of 33% (123/373). 50% of responders reported experiencing at least one episode of bullying behaviour. The largest source of workplace bullying was consultants and nurses in equal frequency. The most common bullying behaviour was unjustified criticism. Only 18% of respondents had made a formal complaint., Conclusion: Workplace bullying is a significant issue with junior doctors. We recommend education about unacceptable behaviours and the development of improved complaint processes.

This paper explores the social and institutional processes that constrain and enable obstetric patients in Benin to critically evaluate quality of healthcare and to stimulate positive changes in the health system. Based on qualitative data collected as part of a hospital auditing system, the paper analyses semi-structured patient feedback interviews and their function as a primary mechanism through which critical patient evaluation can develop constructively. Using a Bourdieuan framework, we explore the dynamic social conditions that give rise to transformative agency and institutional change. Our results show that hospitals are often permeated with the habitus of employment, kinship and reproductive social fields, through which a number of social, economic and healthcare conflicts, power struggles and blame-inducing interactions emerge. These conflicts generally serve to keep patients quiescent and passive when it comes to developing critical statements of quality of care. In a subset of cases, however, these conflicts are transformed by patients and their family members into opportunities for modifying the values and practices of each habitus in new and creative ways. The active negotiation of social conflict and blame enabled a minority of patients actively to divert blame from themselves and to develop and maintain critical healthcare evaluations.

This paper examines the production of risk and blame discourses during the 2003 SARS epidemic and responses to those messages in New York City's Chinatown, a community stigmatized during the SARS epidemic despite having no SARS cases. The study consisted of 6 weeks participant observation and 37 semi-structured, open-ended interviews with community members. Stigmatizing discourses from the late 19th century resurfaced to blame Chinese culture and people for disease, and were recontextualized to fit contemporary local and global political-economic concerns. Many informants discursively distanced themselves from risk but simultaneously reaffirmed the association of Chinese culture with disease by redirecting such discourses onto recent Chinese immigrants. Legitimizing cultural blame obfuscates the structural and biological causes of epidemics and naturalizes health disparities in marginalized populations. This research demonstrates that myriad historical, political, and economic factors shape responses and risk perceptions during an unfamiliar epidemic, even in places without infection.

Discover steps that physician leaders can take to end the blame game and begin working as a much more functional and focused team.

This paper considers the theories of scapegoating and their application to nursing. It reviews the literature on scapegoating drawing particular attention to those studies which have emphasised on the instrumental uses of scapegoating in organisational contexts. The paper draws on data from a qualitative study of the identification and management of the 'problem' nurse conducted in three healthcare Trusts. It describes a number of illustrative cases in which different types of scapegoating occurred. The paper argues that scapegoating is an ethical challenge which nurses must face.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and illuminate the phenomenon of scapegoating in group psychotherapy. Specifically, the role of projective identification - on both individual and group-wide bases - in the evolution of the deviant is delineated. Individual, interpersonal, and whole-group interventions are presented along with the technique of functional subgrouping, a relatively new and particularly potent group intervention. Several case vignettes are detailed for illustration.

The author introduces both the concept and practice of Integrative Parent-Infant Psychotherapy (IPI-P), a treatment specifically designed for the most frequent developmental problems and psychological needs of infants and their parents. Based on growing knowledge from interdisciplinary infancy research, both basic and clinical, IPI-P has been developed and practised in the "Munich Interdisciplinary Research and Intervention Program" for early regulatory and relationship disorders since the early nineties. Preverbal parent-infant communication represents both the port of entry into the system and the main focus of diagnostics, developmental counselling, interaction guidance, or psychodynamic psychotherapy of distorted communication and distressed/disordered relationships. The method of videomicroanalysis during video-feedback with the parent has proven particularly efficient--while observing, reliving and working through brief episodes of recorded parent-infant interaction. The author illustrates the diagnostic and therapeutic procedures with excerpts from psychotherapy of a toddler with an age-specific regulatory disorder in the context of severely distressed primary relationships.

This study investigates whether depressive tendencies or anger/hostility is associated with an increased propensity for a mother to target a particular child in the family as the "problem child." The 180 participants were drawn from a larger cohort of urban, low-income mothers and young children. Maternal data were gathered from measures of self-reported and observed maternal emotionality. Sibling unfavored status was assessed by maternal verbal comparison of siblings. Results were consistent in showing that neither maternal depressive nor hostile affect is, by itself, predictive of a tendency to single out one child as a "troublemaker." The significance of these results for causal models about differential parental treatment is discussed.

According to psychoanalytic theory, punitiveness is based on a projection of one's own immoral desires and the moral conflict they cause (scapegoat hypothesis). This hypothesis implies that transgressors impose harsher punishment onto comparable wrongdoers. This effect should be amplified by strength of decision conflict. An alternative hypothesis based on blameavoidance motivation is derived. Participants (N = 291) were asked to indicate whether they would commit an unlawful act in a moral temptation situation and how conflicted they felt in making their decision. Later, they had to judge convicts in criminal cases that were similar to the previous temptation situations. Authoritarianism was assessed as covariate. In contrast to the scapegoat but consistent with the blame-avoidance interpretation, transgressors were more lenient than nontransgressors. Authoritarianism had main effects on punitiveness. Decision conflict was neither directly nor indirectly related to punitiveness. The findings challenge the validity of the scapegoat hypothesis.

The concept of discourse is an important tool in negotiating conflict and facilitating conversations within therapy. This article offers a useful framework for negotiating conflict in a couple relationship by highlighting the manner in which individual's expectations are mutually emergent from particular discursive positions. Specific discursive practices and approaches that make more visible the cultural production of conflicts are presented via a case illustration. These practices provide more freedom to couples in relationships to explore conflicts with less totalizing descriptions of the other as blameworthy. In addition, a discursive analysis of conflict invites therapists to be more intentional, reflexive, and socially responsible in their work.

The English National Service Framework for Mental Health stipulates that the highest quality of health care should be provided for mental health service users in the most efficient and effective manner. Incidents of aggression and violence militate against achieving that goal, yet such incidents are frequently reported in inpatient settings. Traditionally, research in this area has focused on the extent of the phenomenon, the individual characteristics of those involved and precursors to the incident. For the most part the literature reflects a dualistic, perpetrator/victim conceptualisation of incidents. This study aimed to address the lack of research undertaken from a more systemic perspective by examining how all those involved understood and attributed meaning to violent or aggressive situations and how these attributions justified individual perceptions, reactions and actions. Working from the position that all behaviour, including violent behaviour, has meaning to those involved and can be understood, 16 semi-structured interviews were carried out in one mental health unit. Because only one client was both willing and able to give a full account of an incident, we focus here on two incidents in which that client was involved. Discourse analytic techniques were used to examine her account of the two incidents and those of the staff members involved. Participants discussed key themes from the interviews in terms of several dilemmas: whether the violent or aggressive behaviour was 'mad' or 'bad'; predictable or unpredictable; and had resulted from 'personality' or ' mental illness'. The client and staff discourses were strikingly similar and in each case the central concern was with the attribution of blame. The findings have implications for the professional discourse of mental health care, including the discourse of the current policy agenda, a discourse itself constructed with the primary function of exoneration from and attribution of blame.