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Klasik Türk şiirinde âşığın içinde bulunduğu çaresizliği, üzüntüyü, en iyi anlatan kavramlardan biri de âh kavramıdır. Âh kavramı sözlükte “sesin tonuna göre pişmanlık, öfke, özlem, beğenme, sevgi vb. duyguları anlatan bir ifade; ağrı, acı duyulduğunda söylenen bir söz olarak geçmektedir. Divan şairlerini âh ettiren birçok farklı durum bulunmaktadır. Bunların başında elbette ki sevgilinin ilgisizliği, âşığına kötü davranması gelmektedir. Âşık çoğu zaman sevgilisini gördüğünde hatta onu andığında dahi âh etmektedir. Ayrıca sevgilinin yüzü, boyu, saçları, yanakları, dudağı, kirpikleri, gözleri de âşığa âh ettiren unsurlardır. Bununla beraber âşık; vefâsızlıktan, rakibin davranışlarından, yaşadığı zamandan, ayrılıktan ve talihsizlikten dolayı da daima şikâyet etmektedir. Hatta şair çoğu zaman kendi gönlünden bile şikâyette bulunarak âh etmektedir. Âşığın âhının bütün insanları rahatsız etmesi ve göğe ulaşması da karşımıza çıkan mübalağalı anlatımlardandır. Aynı zamanda şairlerin âh kavramını; ateş, ok, duman, mum, haberci, sancak, dost, ney, nişancı, rüzgâr gibi unsurlara benzettiğini de görmekteyiz. Bunun dışında şiirlerde âh almak, âhı yerde kalmamak, âhı tutmak gibi deyimlere rastlamak da mümkündür. Tüm bunlar, âh kavramının dilimizde ve Klasik Türk şiirinde çok geniş bir kullanıma sahip olduğunu göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada amaç XVI. yüzyıl klasik Türk edebiyatı şairlerinden olan Revânî’nin şiirlerinde âh kavramının hangi sebeplerle kullanıldığını tespit etmek ve bu kavramın hangi unsurlara benzetildiğini göstermektir.

Copyright of Nisar: Journal of Religious Studies / Dini Tetkikler Dergisi is the property of NISAR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkey Journal of Theological Studies is the property of Turkey Journal of Theological Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The poets of divan poetry, which is an important poetry tradition in terms of conveying the culture of the society in which it is located, were nourished by the culture in which they were raised and included this culture in their poems. In this respect, it is possible to see the cultural elements of the society, folk beliefs and beliefs hidden among their artistic styles in their works. One of these folk beliefs and beliefs seen in poems is about supernatural beings. Supernatural beings are generally associated with the unknown in society. In this respect, these beings, which are the subject of poets’ poems, can also be considered as curiosity towards the unknown. This study, examines how folk beliefs and beliefs about supernatural beings are reflected in divan poetry through selecting poets living in the 14th and 19th centuries and determining how these beliefs and beliefs were reflected in divan poetry. The reason why the poets were selected without adhering to any particular century or name is due to the desire to look at divan poetry from a holistic perspective. Instead of examining the poems of the same century or a name, examining the poems of poets who lived in various centuries; It is important to see to what extent folk beliefs and beliefs about supernatural beings are reflected in divan poetry. As a result of the study, it was seen that folk beliefs and beliefs about supernatural beings influenced poets in all centuries, and poets included these beings in their poems. The important point here is that poets processed these entities in parallel with the beliefs in folk culture. In this context, it can be said that divan poetry was nourished by folk beliefs and beliefs in every period. Considering that the subject of folk beliefs is within the research circle of folklore, it will be seen that divan poetry is not far from folk culture. However, the fact that divan poetry is nourished by folk culture is also an indication that it is not disconnected from social life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies / Divan Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Ottoman Literature Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Young Intellectuals / Genç Mütefekkirler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Young Intellectuals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Language & Literature is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Erdem is the property of Ataturk Kultur Merkezi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study, which covers the laments of Elbistan as an example of the lamentations of people, especially women, reflecting their sorrow due to death, separation, and natural disasters, which date back to ancient times, aims to introduce the lamenting women of Elbistan. Laments are people's past, experiences, and feelings they cannot get rid of. In this study, literary meanings, and the existence of an oral tradition, which has maintained its importance until our recent past, are presented especially through the example of Elbistan. Although the lament has been discussed by many people, its relationship with women who are used to and perhaps forced to live their pain within themselves has not been sufficiently analyzed. Feeling the responsibility of giving women the attention they deserve, we wanted to close this gap. Since Elbistan, which has an important place in the world of literature with its poets and poems, has sufficient resources on this subject, we believe that the lament culture of Elbistan will bring a new perspective to the literature. In this study, examples of the laments of the female poets of Elbistan who sang poems in the genre of lament are given and the subjects of their laments are emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Young Intellectuals / Genç Mütefekkirler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Young Intellectuals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this study is to determine the frequency of the use of Republican period poets and authors in school names in Turkey. The data set of the research, which was conducted with the descriptive survey model, consists of "primary", "secondary" and "high schools" affiliated to the "Ministry of National Education" in 81 provinces. Among these educational institutions, 957 schools bearing the names of 69 different poets and/or authors who lived/performed in the Republican period were analyzed by content analysis technique. According to the findings obtained in the research, the distribution of the number of schools bearing the names of poets and authors according to geographical regions is "Marmara Region" (f=255), "Central Anatolia Region" (f=155), "The Southeastern Anatolia Region" (f=137) and "Eastern Anatolia Region" (f=132) ranked first, while İstanbul (f=148), Ankara (f=52), Diyarbakır (f=32), Van (f=30), Konya (f=27), Kocaeli (f=26), Bursa (f=25) and İzmir (f=25) stood out in the distribution by city. The ranking of the schools with the names of poets and authors according to their educational level was secondary school (f=379), primary school (f=359) and high school (f=219). According to the evaluation of four different periods based on the death dates of the authors, eighteen each in the 1950-1974, 1975-1999 and 2000-2023 periods; It was determined that 15 authors in the 1923-1949 period were preferred in school names. Mehmet Akif Ersoy (f=459), Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (f=96), Ziya Gökalp (f=48), Yahya Kemal Beyatlı (f=41), Mehmet Akif İnan (f=36), Cahit Zarifoğlu (f=33), Cemil Meriç (f=30), Arif Nihat Asya (f=24) and Sezai Karakoç (f=22) were identified as the authors whose names were most frequently given to schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century was the beginning of a period in the history of Azerbaijan in which new views, different approaches, and judgments emerged. The upheavals in social life as a matter, of course, led to the awakening of literary and artistic thoughts, and enlightenment, and elucidated the development of public, ethnic, and national identity. In the 19th century, the poetic assemblies functioning in Karabakh contributed to the development of literature, especially poetry, and the inclusion of poetry in social life and its impact on it. Thanks to the "Meclis-i Uns" and "Meclis-i Feramushan" literary assemblies, poets living in Karabakh came together and depicted the problems of the period, social life, and nature in their poems. Referring to these literary samples, it is feasible to see the view of 19th-century Karabakh. Aghabeyim Agha, Khurshidbanu Natavan, Fatma Khanim Kamina, and Ashuq Peri were female poets grown up in the Karabakh literary environment in the 19th century. Research related to the life, art, and literary personality of women poets who grew up in Karabakh was thoroughly scrutinized and investigated based on the qualitative method in the article. As a result of our research, we have come to the following conclusions; There is a need to prepare coherent comparative texts from the work of female poets. The works of these poets were published due to the permission of Soviet censorship. Poems with religious content were not included in these books, and Sufi works were presented as secular and divine poems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-Muslims are generally categorized into three classes in terms of their relations with the Muslim administration: Non-Muslims who are citizens of a state with which Muslims are at war, Non-Muslims who are citizens of another state but are in the Islamic society for a while through security, Non-Muslims who live as citizens of a Muslim state and are called dhimmis. It is possible to summarize the principle that emerged regarding relations with non-Muslims in the direction of the practices during the period of the Prophet Mohammad and the Rashidun Caliphs as the greatness of Islam and world peace. Accordingly, the method to be followed by a Muslim administration in social relations should be to carry out activities aimed at ensuring peace and tranquility in the world in a balanced manner, without compromising the dignity of Islam. As a matter of fact, although the Prophet Mohammad paid attention to the freedom of Christians in the field of worship, he did not tolerate their activities that were contrary to Islamic principles and aimed at disrupting the social order. The Rashidun Caliphs also closely adhered to the practices of the Prophet Mohammad. The Umayyad period was a breaking point in terms of relations with the dhimmis. Because the Umayyad administration, which had great problems in terms of legitimacy and social support in the process that developed after the caliphate struggle against ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, chose to benefit from Christian elements as support against the opposition. However, it is necessary to exclude ʿUmar b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, who was sensitive about Islamic principles. In general, during the Umayyad period, nonMuslims living in the status of dhimmis in the Islamic society showed an important presence in the field of literature as well as in many areas of life. The poets of the Umayyad period originally belonged to Arab tribes. Among these, it is seen that Christian-Arab poets were especially more active in the field of politics and worked as propaganda officers of the Umayyad dynasty. The poetry of the Umayyad period was predominantly about factional politics based on kinship. In this context, political poetry expresses the conflicts between the poets of the groups opposed to the Umayyad dynasty and their rivals. The Umayyads needed and watched over the propaganda of Christian poets who praised them for their system of oppression. Therefore, the Umayyad caliphs greatly valued and favored the poets in order to incline the opposing groups towards them and sometimes to make them respond on their behalf. Christian poets did not always sing poetry for political purposes. Because greed for profit and position was also one of the reasons for writing poetry. A third group of Christian poets wrote poems only to express their feelings. The theme of their poems was usually alcohol. Although there were Christian poets from different tribes during the Umayyad period, it is noteworthy that the Banū Taghlib tribe was at the forefront in this regard. Because the majority of Christian poets belong to this tribe. Other prominent poets belonging to the Benî Tağlib tribe are Aʿshā Taghlibī and Shemʻal al-Taghlibī. Additionally, among the Christian poets belonging to other tribes of the Umayyad period, there are names such as Abū Zubayd al-Ṭāʾī, Ebû Qābūs, Hunayn al-Hīrī, Al-Qāsim b al-Tavīl al-ʻIbādī and Jawwās b. Kaʻtal. There were also poets during the Umayyad period whose Christianity is doubtful. The leading poets of these group are Mūsā b. Jābir, Qutāmī, Kāʻb b. Cuʻayl, Nābighat Banī Shaybān, Al-ʿAjjāj b. Ruʻba, Udayl b. al-Farh and Hudbah b. al-Khashram al-‘Udhrî. However, the prevailing opinion is that these poets were generally Christians before but later became Muslims. As a result, it is possible to summarize the Christian poets of the Umayyad period in three groups in terms of their aims: Those who propagandize the Umayyad dynasty by writing politically themed poems for their benefit, those who sing poetry to gain the satisfaction of the Umayyad dynasty in order to gain personal benefits, and those who sing poetry only for literary pleasure to express their feelings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences / TÜRKAV Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çukurova Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) is the property of Cukurova Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (CUIFD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Turkish Studies - Comparative Religious Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Emevî Devleti siyasî yaşam şartlarının ve yaşam şekillerinin değişikliğe uğradığı, Arap’ın Arap olanla mücadelesi sonucu kurulan Sahâbe ve Tâbiîn’in daha hayatta olduğu kısa ömürlü hanedan devleti dönemidir. İslâm tarihinin en önemli aşamasını oluşturan bu dönemin en belirgin ve ayırıcı özelliği yaşanan siyasî, fikrî ve askerî olaylarıdır. Câhiliye Dönemi’nde olduğu gibi bu dönemde de kabilelerle ve soyla övünme “asabiyet” zirveye ulaşmıştır. Kabilelerle övünmenin öncü kuvveti kabilesinin lideri konumunda olan kabile şairidir. Bu dönemde şiir hizip mücadelelerine hizmet ederek şairler arasındaki şiir atışmaları “nekâiz” grup taassubunun zirvesine ulaşmıştır. Bu dönem şairleri ya kendi kabilesinin ya desteklediği siyasî grubunun ya da mensubu olduğu mezhebinin resmi sözcüsü, yandaş medyası konumundadır. Ümeyyeoğulları şiirden hoşlanırlar, şiirin önemini ve şairin toplum nezdindeki konumunun farkında idiler. Bundan dolayı şairlere önemli miktarda hediyeler vererek hanedanlıklarını destekleyen taraftarlar toplamışlardır. Çünkü ortaya çıkan her yeni muhalif grubu destekleyen kendi şairleri, sözcüleri vardır. Yönetimi destekleyen şairler adeta yandaş medya muhalif grupları destekleyen şairler de muhalif medya gibiydiler. Siyasî şiir tarih boyunca Arap edebiyatında birçok farklı aşamalardan geçmiş ve her dönemde geçmiş dönemlerden farklı ve ayırıcı özellikleri olmuştur. Şiir, Emevî Dönemi’nde ise daha net bir siyasî yapı kazanıp zirveye yerleşmiştir. Bu çalışmada “Emevî Dönemi siyasî yaşamı, hanedan taraftarı ve Alevî şairlerin şiirlerinin edebiyata siyasî etkisi ile sadece halifelere yaptıkları övgüleri” ele alınacaktır. Emevî hanedanının profesyonel meddahları olan Cerîr, el-Ahtal ve muhalif grupların şairlerinin inşâd ettiği şiirlerden örneklere yer verilmeyecektir.

The concept of “meşreb” (disposition), which expresses the temperament, character and nature of a person, is an important issue that influences the style and content of their poetry when it comes to poets. At this point, the ghazel with “meşreb” redif (repeated voice after the rhyme) written by Fehîm-i Kadîm is a remarkable poem in terms of the comments that a poet brings to his disposition in a narration of imagination, around the concept of “meşreb” (disposition). In the 18th century Esrâr Dede and in the 19th century Gâlib Bey from Leskofça wrote nazire (parallel poetry with the same rhythm and rhyme) to the ghazel with “meşreb” redif of Fehîm-i Kadîm who lived in the 17th century. The disposition (meşreb), which dominates the poetry of Fehîm-i Kadîm, can be summarized as a crazy lover full of love getting ecstatic, burning like a moth and being intoxicated with sipping the love wine with a delirious enthusiasm in the world of love. It can be said that this disposition (meşreb), which dominates Fehîm's poetry, also influenced Esrâr Dede and Leskofçalı Gâlib and specified the content and style of the poems in question. However, Esrâr Dede and Gâlib Bey have put their disposition's stamp on their words by reflecting their unique feeling and style in their poems. In Esrâr Dede's poetry, the images of Sufism and especially the Mevlevi sect and also the surprising use of some contrasting elements in harmony added a different depth to the word. Gâlib Bey, on the other hand, put a deep understanding of love and existence behind his seemingly plain style. In the dispositions of all three poets, enthusiastic states such as love and love-related craziness, ecstasy, and burning come to the fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Indian Peninsula had not historically been under Ottoman rule, the Muslims living in the region have had long-standing religious, historical, friendly, and emotional relationships with the Anatolian people. Throughout history, people in places such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Kashmir with their dense Muslim populations did not withhold their financial or moral support for the Anatolian people. They did not hesitate to support the Ottomans, whom they saw as the flag bearers of Islam, during either the Russo-Turkish war, known as 93 Harbı in Turkish, or the Gallipoli Campaign of 1915-1916. They were most upset by the abolition of the caliphate and took a long time to accept this situation. Many scholars and poets from India wrote books defending the caliphate, as well as elegies for Abdul Hamid Han, the caliph of Muslims, and for the Ottomans. Some of these scholars and poets who lived in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were Faiz-ul Ḥasan al-Saharanpuri, Zulfiqar Ali al-Diyobendi, Wahiduddin Ali al-Hyderabadi, Adib Pishavari, Hamiduddin Farahi, and Anwar Shah al-Kashmiri and were born and raised on the Indian subcontinent. This study examines the poems of these six mentioned poets who defended the caliphate and the Ottomans, as well as their praises about Sultan Abdul Hamid Han. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Oriental Studies / Sarkiyat Mecmuasi is the property of Istanbul Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tasavvur: Tekirdag Theology Journal / Tekirdag Ilahiyat Dergisi is the property of Namik Kemal University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Arab society led a nomadic life shaped by the desert climate during the Age of Ignorance, under the dominance of tribalism and factionalism. The life style lived was also reflected in the poetry, and tribal-oriented poems, in which desert depictions were dominant, were written. The widespread religious belief of the time was paganism, and the prevalence of customs and traditions that triggered moral deterioration were influential in the understanding of poetry of the period. With the advent of Islam, significant changes have occurred in the way of life of the society. Tribalism and factionalism, perverted customs and traditions were put to an end. With the some restrictions brought by Islam, the poems dealing with subjects such as pleasure, entertainment and alcohol have decreased. The wars that already existed between the tribes increased as a result of the policy of conquest, and the topics that the poets dealt with were mostly aimed at accelerating the spread of the new religion.While it is expected that the poetry of the Umayyad period, which is the subject of our study, will be complementary to the Sadru'l-Islam period, the opposite picture has been encountered. While it is expected that the poetry of the Umayyad period, which is the subject of our study, will be complementary to the Sadru’l-Islam period, the opposite picture has been encountered. The first political turmoil that started during the reign of Hz. Osman led to major events later on. The developments have also affected poetry, and new types of poetry have been added to the ongoing poetry genres since ignorance. In our study, the political, social and religious structure of the Umayyad period will be mentioned, and information will be given about the poetry types of the period by establishing a connection through the effect of this structure on poetry types. Then, information will be given about the biographies and works of the poets of the period and the evaluation of the period will be made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nisar: Journal of Religious Studies / Dini Tetkikler Dergisi is the property of NISAR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nazariyat: Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy & Sciences / Nazariyat Islam Felsefe Bilim Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Ilmi Etudler Dernegi (ILEM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Türk-İslam toplumlarında yaygın olan şairlerin padişaha methiye şiirleri sunma geleneğinin sağlam dinî temelleri vardır. Halk içinde saltanat ilâhî kaynaklıdır; padişaha itaat, Allah ve Resûlü’ne itaattir. Osmanlı padişahları, adaletiyle nizâm-ı âlemin son hâmisi olarak görüldükleri için halk padişahlara hürmet etmiştir. Kasideler, mesneviler gibi edebî eserlerde ve tarihî, dinî-tasavvufî eserlerde bunun birçok örneği vardır. Bu yüzden padişaha kaside sunan her şairin sadece makam ve maddi çıkar beklentisinde olduğunu düşünmek çok yüzeysel bir yaklaşımdır. Sultan II. Bayezid Amasya’daki şehzadeliği döneminde ve otuz bir yıllık saltanatında (salt. 886-918/1481-1512) dünyanın dört tarafından gelen âlimleri, sanatkarları ve özellikle şairleri cömertçe himaye eden sanatkâr bir padişahtır. Önemli bir hattat, bestekâr ve şair olan Sultan II. Bayezid halk arasında velî olarak meşhurdur. Sultan II. Bayezid devrine ait bir İn‘âmât Defteri’nde kayıtlı şairlere verilen hediyeler, şairlere verdiği önemin göstergesidir. Ancak Sultan II. Bayezid’in himaye ettiği şairlerin çoğu bilinmemektedir. Bu şairlerden biri olan Cevherî’nin hayatı ve eserleri meçhuldür. Bu makalede şairlerin kaside sunma geleneğinin dinî temelleri hakkında bilgi verilerek Cevherî’nin yeni bulunan şiirleri ve hayatı hakkında tespitler yapılmıştır. Makalede ayrıca Cevherî’nin yeni bulunan şiirleri tanıtılarak özellikleri, edebî değeri ve metin neşri yapılmıştır.

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ahmet Muhip Dıranas's many works such as “A Train Journey”, “Once Upon a Time”, “Fahriye Sister”, “Truth”, “Memory”, “Foam”, “Olvido”, “Portrait”, “Hello” and “Say” His poetry is based on memory. In this respect, the poems “Memory”, “Olvido”, “Say” were analyzed through memories. In the article, the connection between the memories of the poet and these poems has been revealed in the context of remembering, memory and forgetting by taking the memory to the center. For This, Martin Heidegger's What It Means to Think; Mircea Eliade's books entitled Characteristics of Myths; Nativity and Rebirth: Religious Meanings of Initiation in Human Cultures were used. Goddess Mnemosyne, the personified form of memory in “Memory”, is the mother of the Muses and the poet, inspired by the Muses reaches knowledge and poetry about beginnings through Mnemosyne. “Olvido” begins with remembering and ends with forgetting. The poet remembers his emotional moments of the past and youth. Remembrance means the awakening of the memory, its rebirth as poetry. In "Say", the place in the shadow of Mount Ağrı, where he once lived, comes to life in the poet's memory. For him, this place means deprivation on the one hand, poverty on the other, a young, beautiful woman. The woman is the memory that carries the memory to the poem. The common denominator of the three poems and the woman representing the memory; The muse of the poet is the source of his poems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The call of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), who had carried out apostolizing Islam beginning with his close relatives, surrounded whole Arabia in a short while and reached to the lands out of the peninsula. Sahabah, who were trained by Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), had an important role in advertising and propagating Islam. In this respect, it is important to learn about their lives. However, they did not go down in history equally. Some has been narrated in the history by relative information about their lives whereas some has been written down in all parts of their lives. Abbâs Ibn Mirdās of Bani Sulaym, who is among the leaders of the tribe as well, is one of the companions about whose life we do not have much knowledge. When his life is analyzed, it is seen that accepting Islam is nothing more than a moment, but comprehending it is a process. Indeed, he had converted to Islam before Mecca was conquered then he participated in the battles with The Prophet (pbuh), yet he asked, objecting his share, for taking the same substantial amount of trophy as the tribe leaders who were among the Muallafa al-Qulub. This kind of a behavior arising from him corresponds with tribalism rather than sensitiveness in the religion. Because Abbas Ibn Mirdās mentioned his discontentment as the leader of his own tribe, assuming that he was disparaged among his counterparts. The aforementioned incident took part right after he had converted to Islam. Later on, he carried out the tasks submitted to him by The Prophet (pbuh) properly and participated in the battles with him. After The Prophet (pbuh) had been deceased, he defended Islam against the tribe members who are inclined to abjuration and tried to prevent them from taking part in Riddah incidents. Although Abbas Ibn Mirdās could not be successful in this aim, his effort demonstrates that he got rid of the tribal bigotry in the long run. When his life is reviewed properly, it comes out that the changes which people undergoes take time, therefore Islam settles in one's heart gradually. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bozok University Journal of Faculty of Theology / Bozok Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Bozok University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Batman Academy Journal is the property of Batman Academy Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İslâm öncesi Arap düşünce yapısında ve inanç ikliminin oluşumunda, her ilkel toplum yaşamında olduğu gibi tabiatın domine ettiği doğal faktörlerin payı büyüktür. Bununla birlikte İnsanın yaşam seyrinde son derece etkin olan bu faktörlerin yanı sıra, kuşkusuz toplum yapısına bağlı olarak yapılacak incelemelerde, bakış açısına göre niceliği değişiklik gösteren ve toplumun içinden çıkan, toplumdan ilham alan ve toplumun güç merkezi olarak kolektif davranışlar ve düşünce sistemi üzerinde pay sahibi olan “sosyal aktörler” diyebileceğimiz unsurlar vardır. Çalışmamızın konusunu oluşturan ve İslâm öncesi Arap toplumunda Arap düşünce yapısının inşasında ve inanç ikliminin oluşumunda ağırlığı bariz bir şekilde hissedilen ve sivrilen özellikle üç sosyal aktör, kadim Arap tarihi boyunca birey ve toplum davranışlarını kalıtsal bir güç gibi etki altına almışlardır. Amacımız, İslâm öncesi toplumsal hayatı bütün genişliği ile kuşatan tüm unsurları irdelemek yerine, varlıkları ile birlikte etkinliklerinin de toplumbilimsel yönü dikkati çeken sosyal aktörlere odaklanmak ve böylece İslâm öncesi yaşamın dinî sosyolojisine ilişkin bir panorama ortaya koymaktır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada, sosyal gerçeklikleriyle İslâm öncesi Arap inanç ikliminde etkili olmuş bu üç sosyal aktörün ne tür bir sosyal kişiliğe sahip oldukları, toplumsal kimlik ve sosyal statülerinin temelinde yatan sosyolojik bileşenler ele alınmıştır. Bu aktörlerin ilki, ‘atalar’dır. Atalar, bireylerin bilincini kuşatan, haleflerce kendilerinin mutlak surette takip edilme zorunluluğu olan ve kutsallık atfedilen varlıklardır. Babadan başlayan ve en büyük ve mitolojik ataya varan piramidin her bir katmanı birey için son derece önemlidir. Bu, onların toplumsal değerleri, kuralları ve normları edinmeleri ve böylece sosyalleşmeleri için büyük önem arz ederken, sağladıkları pratik davranış kodları ve anlamlı bilgiyi hazır bulmuşluklarıyla da ilgilidir. Bu anlamda atalar en önemli, en sağlam ve en güvenilir bilgi kaynağıdır ve İslâm öncesi Arabın yaşamsal zorluklarla baş etmesinin ve Arap karakteristiğinin toplumda belirginleşen kutsallığının önemli bir dinamiğidir. Toplumda mitolojik kişilikleriyle önemli karar vericiler olarak birey ve toplum davranışlarının kılavuzu ve dinler tarihçilerinin “atalar kültü” dedikleri, korku, saygı ve tazim mercileri idiler. Doğuştan gelen ya da kişisel kabiliyetlerin yanı sıra, öğrenilebilen özelliklerle anlamlandırılan kâhinlik, bir diğer sosyal kişilikti. Kâhinin gücü, onun doğaüstü güçlerle girdiğine inanılan kontağın dikte ettiği yeteneklerinden ileri geliyordu. Kâhin, bu gücün sahibi olarak toplum bilincine yaptığı ürküntü veren baskının öznesiydi ve kâhin cinlerle irtibat halindeydi. Cinler ise topluma korku salan, kendisinden çekinilen ve geleneksel tasavvurun kutsadığı gizemli varlıklardı. Dolayısıyla gücün somut biçimini simgeleyen nesneler ya da garip cisimler bu gizemin kâhinde somutlaşan yönüydü. Bununla birlikte bu çekincelerin kâhini bağlayan ve bu imtiyazlı sosyal statüsünü korumak zorunda bırakan sorumluluklara eşlik etmesi de kaçınılmazdı. Dolayısıyla İslâm öncesinin sosyolojik anlamda kudretli aktörü kâhin, toplumun kendi üzerine konuşlandırdığı vasıfların, ona bahşedilen statünün ve üstünlük algısının, doğal olarak da kendisinden olan toplumsal beklentilerin farkındalığıyla bilinçli işlevler üstlenmişti. Bireysel ve sosyal sorunların çözümünden bireyler ya da gruplar arası anlaşmazlıklarda hakemliğe; doğaüstü güçlerden kaynaklı olduğu düşünülen hastalıkların tedavisinden fikirlerin ve eylemlerin yol haritası olarak kolektif bilincin inşasına kadar birçok sosyal planlamada kâhinin fonksiyonları vardı. İslâm öncesi Arap inanç ikliminin biçimlenişi ve kurumsallaşmasında etkili olan diğer bir sosyal aktör, bilgeliği, tarihçi ve edebiyatçı yönüyle sanatçı kişiliği, doğru bilgide ve davranışta tartışmasız otoritesiyle aynı etkin prestijin öznesi olarak şair de kâhin gibi, bu sıradanlığı aşan tartışmasız gücünü, cinlerle var olduğuna inanılan doğaüstü irtibatından alıyordu. Ondan da çekinilir, ilişkilerde titiz bir özene riayet edilirdi. Nitekim şairin sözü, yalnızca düşmanı değil, kendisine düşman olan herhangi bir kişi ya da grubu da yaydan çıkmış zehirli bir oktan daha etkili bir biçimde zarara uğratabilirdi. Aynı zamanda onun gücü, Arap insanının ruhunu okşayan sanatlı sözlerindeydi. Net, anlaşılır ve sanatsal bir dil ile canlandırdığı ve bilinçlerde soyut tarihsel olayların somutlaştığı; ataların kahramanlıklarının, yaşanan aşkların, savaşların, kısaca toplumun hafızası olarak geçmişe ve an’a dair var olan tüm sosyal olayların ve yaşanmışlıkların veri tabanıydı. Bu anlamda gerek tarihsel gücüyle öne çıkan ataların, gerekse toplumun düşünce ve eylemleri üzerinde mutlak güç sahibi ve bir kanaat önderi olarak etkin olan kâhin ve şairin Kur’ân-ı Kerim ve Kitâb-ı Mukaddes’te de sözü edilen paradigmal özellikleri, yöntemimizin tarihsel kaynakları derinliğine irdeleme esası üzerine dayalı olmasını zorunlu kılmıştır.

Ali (d. 40/661), who was born in Mecca at about 20 years before the Hicrah, both in verse and in prose, were conveyed by the method of oral narration and were compiled and written down long after his death. The poetic words and poems said by Hz. Ali from his childhood to the last years of his maturity and old age, thoughts including arguments and advice were organized by Şerîf el-Murtazâ (d. 436/1044) and collected in a divan and this work was given the name “Dîvânu ʿAlî b. Ebî Tâlib”. This work, which was reproduced by copying in the early days when there was no printing press, was later circulated and read in various countries of the Islamic world. The first edition of the work was made in the 19th century (Egypt: Bulak printing house, 1839). The issue of whether these poems are belonging to Ali or not has been a controversial issue until today. However, the fact that there is a disagreement about some poems belonging to Ali does not harm Ali’s linguistic, poetic and literary identity. As a matter of fact, his expression “poetry is the scale of the word”, which is accepted as a criterion in literary criticism even today, is the expression that reveals Ali’s literary personality and critical identity. Our work is about human values, which are defined as “a set of goals and ideals that guide people in their material and spiritual relationships” in Ali’s poems. Therefore, in this study, human values were emphasized, a brief information was given about Hz. Ali’s life and poems, and then the human values in his poems were tried to be determined [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The biographies of the companions are among the issues that enrich the era of the Prophet. The life stories of individuals, men and women, who knew the Prophet closely, witnessed his blessed prophethood and formed the first Islamic society, are of great importance. The necessity of introducing women Companions to the world of science is beyond explanation. For this reason, the life of the famous female Companion 'Âtika bint Zayd will be discussed in our article. 'Âtika bint Zayd was the sister of Saîd b. Zayd, one of the ten people the Prophet gave the good news of Paradise, the daughter of Zayd b. 'Amr who lived as a ḥanīf in the period of Ignorance, the bride of Abū Bakr, the wife of 'Umar, Zubayr b. al-'Awwām and, according to a narration, Hussein and mother of 'Iyāḍ b. 'Umar. She was among those who converted to Islam during the Meccan period of Islam and migrated to Medina. There is no information in the sources about the life of Meccan period. She married for the first time with Abdullah, son of Abu Bakr. Later, she married a few more people from the Companions of the Messenger of Allah. Because all of her later husbands were martyrs, the people of Madina said about her, "Whoever wants to be a martyr should marry 'Âtika". One of the distinctive qualities of 'Âtika bint Zayd is the poetry that was widespread among Arabs both in pre-Islamic and Islamic periods, was one of the subjects that stood out. Some of her poems about both the Messenger of Allah and her martyred husbands have survived to the present day. Her fondness for worship, her sensitivity to praying in Masjid an-Nabawi, and to stipulate this to her husbands when she get married were mentioned among her remarkable features. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Ilahiyat Dergisi / Cumhuriyet Theology Journal is the property of Cumhuriyet Universitesi, Ilahiyat Fakultesi / Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bilim, sanat ve edebiyata bütüncül bir bakış açısıyla yaklaşan Osmanlı aydınları, çok yönlü yetişmişler ve çeşitli sahalarda kalem oynatmışlardır. Bir matematik bilgininin felsefe alanında eserler yazdığı, bir hadis âliminin tarihî kitaplar kaleme aldığı, bir devlet adamının hüsn-i hatla meşgul olduğu yahut bir şeyhülislamın divan tertip ettiği müteaddit defa görülmüştür. Fakat modern araştırmacının ihtisaslaşmaya dayalı bilim anlayışından olsa gerek, bu şahsiyetler genelde belirli yönleriyle ön plana çıkmış ve bazı meziyetleri gölgede kalmıştır. XVI. yüzyılın sonları ile XVII. yüzyılın başlarında, Osmanlı Devleti’nin başkenti İstanbul’da yetişen Okçuzâde Mehmed Şâhî de hezâr-fen diye nitelendirilen bu şahsiyetlerden biridir. Devletin önemli kademelerinde görevlerde bulunan Mehmed Şâhî, sanat ve edebiyatla da ilgilenmiş, süslü nesirle kaleme aldığı inşâ türündeki eserleriyle tanınmıştır. Bu yönüyle haklı şöhret kazanan Mehmed Şâhî, aynı zamanda şairdir. Nitekim genç yaşlarda kaleme aldığı şiirlerle bazı tezkire yazarlarının dikkatini çekmiş, tezkirelerde şiirlerine yer verilmiştir. Şuarâ tezkirelerinin yanında bazı klâsik eserlerle kendisine ait mensur eserlerde de beyit, dörtlük ve kıtaları bulunmaktadır. Bu makalede, şairin söz konusu kaynaklardaki şiirleri, bir araya getirilmiş ve bunların değerlendirmesi yapılmıştır.Özet: Osmanlı devlet adamı olan Okçuzâde Mehmed Şâhî, 970/1562 yılında İstanbul’da doğdu. Kâtiplik, defterdârlık, reisülküttâblık, Kıbrıs ve Haleb beylerbeyliği gibi görevlerde bulunan Okçuzâde Mehmed Paşa’nın (ö. 995/1587) oğludur. Asıl adı Mehmed olup kaynaklarda Mehmed Bey, Mehmed Şâh, Mehmed Şâhî, Mîr Mehmed Şâhî, Okçuzâde Mehmed Şâhî gibi isimlerle anılmaktadır. Küçük yaşta ilim öğrenmeye başlayan ve iyi bir medrese eğitimi alan şair, hiddetli tabi‘atı ve üstün zekâsıyla emsâli arasında temâyüz etti. Dersini Ma‘lûlzâde Nakîb Efendi’den (ö. 993/1585) tamamlayarak 988/1580’de on sekiz yaşında icâzet aldı. Aynı yıl içinde Nakîb Efendi şeyhülislâm olunca Dîvân-ı Hümâyûn katibi olarak resmî görevine başladı. 1004/1596’da sadrazamlığa getirilen Damad İbrâhim Paşa’nın -tezkirecilik göreviyle- sır kâtibi oldu. Paşa’nın 1010/1601 senesindeki vefatına kadar himayesinde kaldı. 1005/1596 tarihinde Musa Çelebi’nin yerine reîsülküttâb ve baş defterdâr olan Mehmed Şâhî, 1006/1597’de defterhâne-i hümâyûn emîni oldu. Fakat iki ay sonra azledilerek sefere katılan kâtipler arasına dahil edildi. İzinsiz İstanbul’a geldiği için tâkibata uğradı ve hapsi istendi. 1007/1599’da Hamza Paşa’nın yerine nişancı tayin edildi ve sefer için görevlendirildi. 1008/1600 yılında görevinden alınan Mehmed Şâhî, aynı sene içinde yeniden nişancı olduysa da 1010/1601 tarihinde azledildi. Hamza Paşa tekrar iâde olunurken kendisine herhangi bir görev verilmedi. 1013/1605 yılında Murâd Efendi’nin yerine Mısır defterdârı oldu. Bu görevden alınınca Mısır’da salyâneli sancak beyliklerinden biri kendisine verildi. 1016/1608’de Mısır beylerbeyi olan Kara Mehmed Paşa tarafından salyâneli beylikler kaldırılınca da İstanbul’a döndü (1017/1608). Uzun süre önemli bir görevde bulunmadı. 1029/1620’de ikinci kez defter emîni, 1030/1621’de tekrar nişancı oldu. Lehistan seferine katıldı, bu sefer esnasında görevinden azledildi. Sultan Mustafa’nın ikinci saltanatında (1622-1623) beşinci kez nişancılığa getirildi. 1033/1624’te azledildi ve emekliye ayrıldı. 1039/1630 yılı başında altmış dokuz yaşında İstanbul’da vefat etti. Kabri Sünbül Efendi civarında Ekmekçioğlu dairesinin yanındadır.Ailesi hakkında bilinenler, Vak‘î Ahmed Efendi (ö. 1060/1650) adındaki oğlu ile sınırlıdır. Nesih, sülüs ve tevkî‘î hattı babasından meşk eden Ahmed Efendi, Şeyhülislâm Bahâî Efendi’nin tezkirecisi olarak görev yapmış, Süleymâniye müderrisi iken 1060/1650 yılında vefat etmiştir. Kabri Şeyh Vefâ Türbesi civarındadır.Resmî görevleri yanında şiir, nesir, hüsn-i hat, tasavvuf, hadis, tefsir gibi alanlarla da ilgilenen Mehmed Şâhî, muhtemelen ma‘zûliyet hayatının da etkisiyle çok sayıda eser vermiştir. Bunlar: Ahsenü’l-hadîs, en-Nazmü’l-mübîn fî âyâti’l-erba‘în, el-Makâmu’l-Mahmûd, Tercüme-i Tuhfetü’s-salavât, Câmiu‘l-gâyât, Muhtâru’l-ahyâr, Kânûn-ı Cedîd-i Arâzî, Münşeât ve Dîvân’dır. Mensur eserleriyle şöhret kazanan müellif, aynı zamanda şairdir. Zeynî mahlasıyla kaleme aldığı beyitlerle henüz yirmili yaşlarda Kınalızâde’nin tezkiresine girmeyi başarmış ve “kemân-ı bâlinden halâs bulan sihâm-ı kelâmı hedef-i kabûl-i erbâb-ı kemâle vusûl bulmuşdur hâlen vâsıl-ı sinn-i şebâbdur” ifadelerine mazhar olmuştur. Daha sonra Şâhî mahlasını alan şairin, Beyânî, Nev‘îzâde ve Müstakimzâde’nin eserleri ile kendi mensur eserleri içerisinde de manzumeleri bulunmaktadır. Hatta Müstakimzâde, “dîvân-ı eş‘ârı vardır” ifadesini kullanır. Fakat bu esere henüz rastlanmamıştır.Mehmed Şâhî’nin -manzum kırk hadis tercümesi ile kırk ayet tercümesi istisnâ- muhtelif kaynaklarda yirmi altısı Türkçe, dördü Farsça olmak üzere toplam otuz manzumesine rastlanmıştır. Beyit, dörtlük ve kıtalar hâlinde olan bu şiirlerde aruzun çeşitli bahirleri kullanılmıştır. Arapça ve Farsça kelimelere çokça yer verilen şiirlerde zengin bir kâfiye örgüsününden söz edilebilir. Dinî, edebî, tarihî, efsânevî ve tasavvufî konuların işlendiği manzumelerde Allah, rabb, Mesîh, resûl, risâlet, şefâat, Kâfûr-ı İhşîdî (966-968), Müsta‘sım (ö. 656/1258), İbn Alkamî (ö. 656/1258), Nasîr-i Tûsî (ö. 672/1274), Cemşîd, Keyûmers, Üftâde, Hüdâyî, Mecûsî, Kızılbaş, Bayramî, müftî gibi şahıs ve kavramlara değinilmiştir. Şiirler, Hz. Peygamber’den şefaat talebi, Acem’e hizmet etmenin vebâli, bir şey icat etmenin ehemmiyeti, Üftâde Sultan’ın (ö. 988/1580) övgüsü, duanın tesiri, yakınlarını kayıran yöneticinin âkıbeti, zenginlere haset etmenin beyhûdeliği, Mecûsîlerle savaşın önemi, gamı izhâr etmenin zararları, marifet ehlinin değeri, dünyanın bin damatlı geline benzemesi, tatlı söz söylemek, iffeti terk ederek şehvete koşanın alçaklığı, günahlardan dolayı mağfiret istemek, söz anlama kabiliyeti, düşmanlara aman vermemek, Hz. Ömer’in övgüsü, alçak gönüllülük, dünyaya ait şeylere ulaşamamanın kıymeti, güzellerdeki güzelliğin eziyete sebep oluşu, sevgilinin uzak oluşuna şaşılmaması gerektiği, aşağılık kimselere arka çıkmanın kötülüğü, Arapça’nın zenginliği, Anadolu fâzıllarının keremi, kurbiyete ulaşmada gayretin ehemmiyeti ve Aziz Mahmud Hüdâyî’nin (ö. 1038/1628) saygınlığı beyanındadır. Osmanlı devlet adamı olan Okçuzâde Mehmed Şâhî, süslü nesirle yazdığı inşâ türündeki eserleriyle tanınmış ve bu yönüyle haklı bir şöhret kazanmıştır. Ancak onun, mensur eserlerinin yanında şiirleri de bulunmaktadır. Genç yaşta kaleme aldığı şiirlerle tezkire yazarlarınca taltif edilen ve tezkirelerde beyitleri bulunan şair, mensur olarak kaleme aldığı bazı eserlerinde de kendisine ait beyit ve dörtlükler kullanmıştır. Söz konusu eserlerde beyit veya kıtalar şeklinde bulunan bu şiirler dinî, edebî, efsânevî, tarihî ve tasavvufî öğeleri içermektedir. Tefsir, hadis, tasavvuf, hüsn-i hat gibi sahalarda malumatı bulunan şair, iyi derecede Arapça ve Farsça bilmektedir. Farsça şiirler de kaleme alan Mehmed Şâhî, manzumelerini ayet, hadis, kelâm-ı kibâr gibi Arapça ibarelerle süslemiştir. Bu durum, şiirlerin dilini bir derece ağırlaştırmıştır denilebilir. Ancak yine de şiirleri, mensur eserlerine nispeten daha sade ve külfetsizdir. Lirik şiirleri de bulunan şair, genelde hakîmâne nazımlara ağırlık vermiş, münacat, şefaatnâme, tarih kıtası, medhiye, hicviye gibi türler yazmıştır. Tezkirelerdeki şiirleri lirik, Ahsenü’l-hadîs ile en-Nazmü’l-mübîn’deki manzumeleri didaktik, Münşeât’taki nazımları ise epik karakterli şiirlerdir. Bu şiirlere bakarak bir değerlendirme yapıldığında; onun birinci sınıf bir şair olduğu iddia edilemese de üslup sahibi bir şair olduğu söylenebilir.